Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky. Curriculum Vitae
Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky
Biography. Details.
http://www.yavlinsky.ru/dossier/biography/index.phtml
"Connection of knowledge
Eloquence and Valor"
V. Shakespeare "Hamlet"
Surname
According to family legend, the surname comes from the name of the Epiphany Cathedral in Moscow (Elokhovskaya Church), in which one of Grigory Yavlinsky’s ancestors served. The “cousin” branch of the family bears the surname Yavlensky.
Family
Father - Alexey Grigorievich Yavlinsky.
The exact date of birth is unknown. The passport indicates the year 1919, but Alexei Grigorievich’s brothers said that he could have been born in 1912 or 1917. An open date of birth is not uncommon for that time: wars, revolutions. Alexey, like many children then, was left without parents, homeless - the older brothers themselves were small and could not feed the younger ones.
In the early 30s, Alexei Yavlinsky was brought up in the commune-colony of Anton Semenovich Makarenko named after Dzerzhinsky in Kharkov. The famous teacher doubted that Alexei would be any good: as he said, he was “too freedom-loving and spoiled.”
In 1937-38, when almost all the boys dreamed of being pilots or tank crews, Alexey Grigorievich went to study at the Bataysk flight school. But his character made itself felt: for participating in a fight that lasted several days, Alexey was expelled from the school.
In 1939 he was drafted into the army (he served in Andijan in Central Asia).
Alexey Grigorievich ended up in the active army in February 1942 - he was sent to North Caucasus to the artillery troops. Soon he became the commander of the battery of the artillery regiment 333 of the Guards Mountain Rifle Order of the Red Banner of the Turkestan Division.
As part of the 52nd Separate Primorsky Army, he participated in the Kerch landing, liberating Crimea, Ukraine, and Czechoslovakia. A street in the Czech city of Olomouc was named in his honor - Alexei Grigorievich’s battery was the first to enter the city liberated from German troops. He finished the war in the Tatra Mountains (Czechoslovakia) as a senior lieutenant.
He was awarded military awards: the Order of the Patriotic War, 2nd degree, the Order of the Red Star, and the medal “For Military Merit.”
After the war, Alexey Grigorievich married in 1947 and settled in Lvov, graduating in absentia from the history department of the Lvov Pedagogical Institute and the Higher School of the Ministry of Internal Affairs.
In 1947-61 he worked as a teacher, senior teacher, and head of a children's labor educational colony. In 1961, he was appointed head of the Children's reception center for street children. It seems that he turned out to be the only pupil of Makarenko who literally followed the teacher’s example: he was engaged not just in raising children, but in street children and so-called “difficult” teenagers.
In 1980, by decision of the Central Committee of Ukraine, children's institutions were transferred to the system of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. The teachers, whom Yavlinsky Sr. carefully collected, were replaced by soldiers with machine guns, VOKhRA. Alexey Grigorievich was categorically against such changes. After another “hot” conversation with the Minister of Internal Affairs of Ukraine he died of a heart attack (August 27, 1981).
You can read in detail about the importance of Alexei Grigorievich for Grigory Yavlinsky in the collection of his interviews, “Several Interviews on Personal Issues.”
GA's mother is Vera Naumovna, born in 1924 in Kharkov. Immediately after the war, her family moved to Lviv from Tashkent, where they lived in evacuation. Vera Naumovna graduated with honors from the Faculty of Chemistry of Lviv University and taught chemistry at the Forestry Institute all her life.
GA's parents are buried in Lvov.
Father's brothers: Mikhail Grigorievich - pilot, died during the war. Semyon Grigorievich realized another boyhood dream - he became a scout. At the end of his life he taught English at a Moscow university. During the war, Leonid Grigorievich worked as a driver, in particular, on the Road of Life, passing on the ice of Lake Ladoga, maintaining contact with the dying besieged Leningrad. After the war he worked at a shoe factory.
Second cousin - Nathan Yavlinsky (1912-1962), one of the creators of Tokamak - a plasma installation for a controlled thermonuclear fusion reaction. Tokamak is used in industrial and military developments. Crashed in a plane crash.
Lviv - Moscow
Grigory Yavlinsky was born on April 10, 1952 in Ukraine, in Lvov. Five years later his brother Mikhail was born.
“We didn’t live in poverty, but buying a toy was an event. Or if you tear your pants. I just didn’t know what pineapples, bananas, tangerines were,” recalled Grigory Alekseevich. (Also read the stories of his mother, brothers, and Lviv friends about his childhood.)
In the children's company, GA was the ringleader. More than once he took part in wall-to-wall fights.
In 1964, he began to seriously engage in boxing in the Dynamo sports society. He was a two-time Ukrainian junior boxing champion in the second welterweight division in 1967 and 1968. But in 1969, the coach decided that it was time to choose, “boxing or everything else,” and GA left serious boxing.
At that time, Yavlinsky already knew for sure that he wanted to become an economist. (His classmates talk about the school years of GA, whom his friends called “Garik”).
In the ninth grade, the GA decided that after graduating from school I needed to go to a good Moscow university. This required excellent knowledge in specialized subjects. To gain time for additional classes, the GA decided to move to an evening school for working youth. At the same time, he gets a job.
He worked for a short time at the Lviv Post Office as a forwarder, at a leather goods factory, and “donkey” as an electrician at the Lviv glass company “Rainbow”. (Colleague Mikhailo Andreiko talks about “everyday working life.”) Taking a vacation in the summer of 1969, he went to Moscow and entered the Institute National economy them. Plekhanov (in common parlance - Pleshka) to the Faculty of General Economics, majoring in labor economics.
Pleshka - Council of Ministers
During my student years, in addition to studying, something else happened - marriage, caring for small child. From the exotic: Yavlinsky ran twice in the joke competition, which was organized every year by Pleshka students.
In 1973, GA graduated from the institute, and in 1976, he completed graduate school, becoming a candidate of economic sciences. Dissertation topic: "Improving the division of labor of workers in the chemical industry."
In 1976-77, GA worked as a senior engineer, then as a senior researcher at the All-Union Scientific Research Institute of Coal Industry Management (VNIIUugol). He traveled all over the country, worked for a long time in Kemerovo, Novokuznetsk, Prokopyevsk. He was involved in rationing the labor of employees and engineers of mines and open-pit mines, developed the first (and last) in the USSR qualification directory(for the first time, job rates and the scope of tasks of each employee, safety standards various works etc.)
In 1980, GA was appointed head of the heavy industry sector of the Research Institute of Labor of the State Committee for Labor and social issues.
In 1980-82, he dealt with the problems of improving the economic mechanism of the USSR. After delivering a scientific report on this topic at the academic council (1982), all copies (including those sent out) of the report’s abstracts were confiscated, and the GA was “imprisoned” in a tuberculosis hospital. Semyon Levin, the famous designer, the same one who came up with the NTV brand name - the green “pea”, talks about life there.
Since 1984, the GA has been working in the State Labor Committee: as deputy head of the consolidated department, then as head of the department of social development and population.
In the summer of 1989, Leonid Abalkin, who had just become Deputy Chairman of the USSR Council of Ministers and headed the commission on economic reform, invited him to the post of head of the Consolidated Economic Department of the State Commission of the USSR Council of Ministers for Economic Reform (known as the “Abalkin Commission”).
Deputy Prime Minister of Russia - Deputy Prime Minister of the USSR
The ideology of economic development defended by Yavlinsky did not receive support from Prime Minister Nikolai Ivanovich Ryzhkov, and was not included in the final version of the government program.
In the winter and spring of 1990, Yavlinsky, together with Alexei Mikhailov and Mikhail Zadornov (then a junior researcher at the Institute of Economics of the USSR Academy of Sciences), worked on a project to reform the USSR economy, called “400 days of trust.” It contained a day-by-day program for the sequence of government actions for the corresponding period.
The program fell into the hands of Mikhail Bocharov, a deputy of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR, and under the name “500 days” was proposed by B.N. Yeltsin, then Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR, as a program for reforming the Russian economy (and not the USSR, like the Yavlinsky group).
At Yavlinsky's initiative, an agreement was reached between the two conflicting parties - Gorbachev and Yeltsin - to develop joint measures to carry out economic reforms in the USSR on the basis of the "500 days" program, and a Working Group was created to develop programs.
The preparation of the document was entrusted by B. Yeltsin to a group of economists led by Academician Stanislav Shatalin and by M. Gorbachev to the group of Grigory Yavlinsky. The program was approved on September 11, 1990 by the Supreme Council of the RSFSR.
Yavlinsky was appointed to the post of Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR and Chairman of the State Commission for Economic Reform (Zadornov and Mikhailov became members of the commission with the rank of deputy ministers).
Academician Sergei Aleksashenko, Leonid Grigoriev, Mikhail Zadornov, Vladimir Mashits, Alexey Mikhailov, Nikolai Petrakov, Boris Fedorov, Stanislav Shatalin, Evgeniy Yasin, Tatyana Yarygina, and representatives of the Union Republics took part in the work.
By September 1, 1990, the “500 Days” Program and 20 draft laws for it were prepared, approved by the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR and submitted for consideration to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR.
The program caused resistance from the Chairman of the USSR Council of Ministers, Ryzhkov.
The atmosphere of the work of two competing teams is characterized by the story of one of the participants in Gorbachev’s working meetings. USSR Finance Minister Valentin Pavlov tried to hide real budget indicators. From under the table (so that Gorbachev would not see) Yavlinsky showed Pavlov a piece of paper on which he wrote in large letters: “This smells like the Nuremberg Trials!”
Ryzhkov proposed an alternative project, “Main Directions of Development,” to the Supreme Council and threatened with his resignation. By that time, the political position taken by Gorbachev had also changed. Equal membership of all republics, as envisaged in the “500 days”, rather than vertical subordination to the Center, seemed not to strengthen the union treaty, but to attack it.
In the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, Gorbachev advocated the unification of the Yavlinsky-Shatalin and Abalkin-Ryzhkov programs, which, in the opinion of both sides, was absolutely impossible.
From the compromise between “500 days” and “Main Directions” the program of the President of the USSR was born. In addition, the Union and Russian governments did not fulfill their obligations, although the majority of the leaders of the republics of the USSR supported the “500 days”, some republics adopted it as a basis in their Supreme Councils, and the center began to receive work plans agreed with the main course of the program.
At a joint meeting of the House of Representatives and the House of Nationalities of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR on October 17, 1990, Yavlinsky resigned. He stated that the transition to a market system will be completed anyway, however, “entry into the market in this case will not be through stabilization, but through increasing inflation.” (See also G.A. Yavlinsky’s letter to the deputies of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR with a request for resignation.)
In addition to working on “500 Days,” in three and a half months, Yavlinsky’s team prepared the first law on privatization (the law “On the procedure for citizens to acquire property from the state,” subsequently greatly deteriorated by the Supreme Council) and the entire package of accompanying resolutions; a new, time-appropriate government structure was developed (in particular, with provisions for new committees: Antimonopoly, for the management of state property, etc.); The technical side of the resolution “On Joint Stock Companies”, which was in force until recently, was developed.
At the end of 1990, Yavlinsky created (together with the team that began to form around him since his time at the Ministry of Labor) a non-governmental research organization EPICentr: Economic and Political Research Center. Yavlinsky is its permanent chairman. Subsequently, the work of the center became the most important component of the activities of the faction, and then the Yabloko party. In the 90s, the Epicenter rented premises on the 27th floor of the former CMEA building - overlooking the White House.
In April 1991, the US State Department officially invited Yavlinsky to a meeting of the G7 Council of Experts with participant status. His speech at the G7 became the basis for the creation of a program for the integration of the Soviet economy into the world economic system"Accepting a chance." The work is being carried out by the Epicenter together with scientists from Harvard University (USA) with the political support of USSR President M. Gorbachev. (Here - Mikhail Leontyev about the “Consent for a Chance” program and the program itself).
The project was ready in July 1991 and made public at the next G7 meeting in London. But soon Gorbachev refused to implement it under pressure from Prime Minister V.S. Pavlov, V. Medvedev, member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee, secretary for ideology and V.A. Kryuchkov, chairman of the KGB.
During the coup in August 1991, Yavlinsky was in the White House. On the evening of September 21, arrests of GKC members took place.
To ensure civilian control, famous people were involved in arrests as public witnesses. Yavlinsky, in particular, was asked to join the group that went to arrest the USSR Minister of Internal Affairs in 1990-91, Boris Karlovich Pugo. Contrary to rumors circulating in the left-wing press, he shot himself before they came for him. His son talks about this.
After the August 1991 putsch, the government collapsed, and operational management of the national economy of the USSR was transferred on August 24 to a specially created Committee with the same name - KOUNH CCCH, headed by Ivan Silaev. Yavlinsky (along with the President of the Scientific-Industrial Union of the USSR Arkady Volsky and the Vice-Mayor of Moscow Yuri Luzhkov) was appointed by the decree of the President of the USSR M. Gorbachev as Deputy Chairman of the Committee with the rank of Deputy Prime Minister. From October to December 1991, he was also a member of the Political Advisory Committee to the President of the USSR.
The working group headed by him prepared the “Agreement on Economic Cooperation between the Republics of the USSR” and 26 annexes to it.
The purpose of the Treaty was to preserve the single economic space and market of the USSR, regardless of the future political union of the republics.
The agreement and annexes envisaged the creation of an International Economic Committee to regulate relations between the republics, a Banking Union, Arbitration, the preservation of a single currency, the labor market and labor movement, the implementation of a single monetary policy, etc. See the assessment of the “Treaty” in the interview with Yuri Luzhkov here.
The agreement was initialed on October 18, 1991 in Alma-Ata by representatives of 10 republics and ratified by Russia in the Kremlin. However, Yeltsin was against strengthening the new supra-union entity, since it called into question his authority. His advisers said that without “ballast” in the form of less developed republics, Russia would quickly jump into the market.
Nevertheless, in November Yeltsin offered the post of prime minister to Yavlinsky. The president's condition was to sever economic ties with the republics. Yavlinsky could not agree with this approach and put forward his own conditions: maintaining the economic union, key economic positions in the government should be kicked out and a team should enter the government. E. Gaidar was appointed Deputy Prime Minister.
The day after the conclusion of the Belovezhskaya Agreements, Yavlinsky and his comrades (M.M. Zadornov, A.Yu. Mikhailov, T.V. Yarygina, V.N. Kushchenko) left the government, and the Committee ceased to exist.
In September 1991, with Gorbachev's written permission, Yavlinsky spoke sensational statement about the size of the USSR's gold reserves, which turned out to be extremely small. (A story about this from Vladimir Raevsky, Minister of Finance of the USSR from August 1991 to February 1992).
Democratic alternative
In the spring of 1992, Yavlinsky's team presented for the first time a democratic alternative to Gaidar's reforms, based on serious economic analysis. (Work "Diagnosis", Moscow, 1992.)
From May to November 1992, Yavlinsky's Epicenter worked out a program of regional reforms with the administration of the Nizhny Novgorod region. The main measures to stabilize the economy were the first regional issue of regional loan bonds, which solved the problem of lack of cash (and was fully paid), the release of producers from non-production costs, and the introduction of the information system “Operational tracking of social indicators”. Yavlinsky believes that as a result of three months of work, he was able to create the basis for the formation of a market infrastructure and make a number of proposals regarding the “new federalism” in Russia (“to look for solutions not from the top down, but from the bottom up”). The results of the work are described in the book “Nizhny Novgorod Prologue” published by the Epicenter in 1993.
He was a member of the Public Council on Foreign and Defense Policy established on June 22, 1992.(co-chairman of the Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs A. Volsky, along with deputies of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR E. Ambartsumov, S. Yushenkov, etc.).
Member of the Editorial Council of Novaya Daily Gazeta, the predecessor of Novaya Gazeta.
In 1993, Yavlinsky began developing a privatization project in Moscow “not according to Chubais” - “Moscow Privatization”, approved in early 1995.
After Yeltsin’s decree on the dissolution of parliament in September 1993 and the retaliatory attempts of the Supreme Council to remove the president from power, Yavlinsky, considering the decisions of the President and the actions of the Supreme Council illegal, proposed a compromise option that provided for simultaneous early elections of the president and parliament (the procedure for organizing them was also proposed) , refusal of criminal and extrajudicial prosecution political opponents and so on.
However, on September 28, 1993, he was forced to admit that compromise was no longer realistic and that parliament should mainly be sought to surrender firearms, and from the presidential team - organizing simultaneous elections and postponing them to a later date (February-March 1994).
After the seizure of the mayor's office and the storming of Ostankino on October 3, 1993, he condemned E. Gaidar's call for unarmed citizens to come to defend the Moscow City Council building and demanded a decisive suppression of the armed rebellion.
Participated in the 1993 State Duma elections as the leader of the Yabloko electoral bloc - the bloc received 7.86% of the votes and 27 seats in the State Duma.
In November 1994, after the famous “campaign” against Grozny and the capture of a group of Russian tank crews, Yavlinsky, together with his Yabloko colleagues, went to Chechnya and offered himself as a hostage in exchange for prisoners.
In January 1995, the Yabloko association was formed, and Yavlinsky was elected chairman. Yavlinsky participated in the 1995 election campaign as the leader of Yabloko - the association received 6.89% of the votes and 46 seats in the State Duma.
In 1996, Yavlinsky was nominated as a candidate for the post of President of the Russian Federation from the democratic opposition, gaining 7.4%
Yavlinsky is married. He has two sons.
Wife - Elena Anatolyevna. Grigory Yavlinsky met her at the institute. She is an engineer-economist, worked at the Institute of Coal Engineering (Research Institute "Giprouglemash") before the "perestroika" layoffs.
The eldest son, Mikhail (born in 1971), graduated from the physics department of Moscow State University in the department of theoretical physics. Works as a journalist.
The younger one, Alexey (born in 1981), defended his Ph.D. thesis and works as a research engineer creating computer systems.
material prepared by Evgenia Dillendorf
Lugansk region, 2014
Action "For Fair Elections" on Bolotnaya Square in Moscow, 2012.
Grigory Yavlinsky on the podium of the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg, 2012
Graduates of the Faculty of Economics of the National Research University Higher School of Economics
Military personnel near the Theater Center on Dubrovka, October 2002.
Boris Yeltsin and Vladimir Putin, 1999
Fighting in the Chechen Republic, 1999
Cover of a brochure on the position of the YABLOKO party on the impeachment of President Yeltsin
Queue at a currency exchange office, August 1998.
Propaganda poster, 1996
State Duma deputies Grigory Yavlinsky (right) and Sergei Yushenkov (left) at negotiations with Dzhokhar Dudayev, Grozny, 1994.
2018 Presidential elections: telling the truth
In the 2018 presidential elections, Grigory Yavlinsky set himself the task of telling the country that Putin’s regime and his future political course are mortally dangerous for Russia. The “elections” themselves were not elections in essence - it was a plebiscite on support for Putin, as a result of which the “overwhelming minority” won.
The Yabloko party announced the need to form a personal alternative to Vladimir Putin as the only effective strategy of the democratic opposition three years before the presidential elections - in June 2015, proposing Grigory Yavlinsky for this role.
From the decision of the Yabloko Federal Political Committee “On the party’s political strategy until 2018”:
“The main thing is that this is not “the same as Putin, only without corruption,” not “Putin 2.0,” but a politician with different beliefs, personal qualities, thinking and ways of acting in politics, fundamentally opposed to Putin personally since 2000 ., and the system that gave birth to it - since the founding of our Party in the very beginning of the 90s. Grigory Yavlinsky also personifies today the categorical rejection of aggression, annexation, war as a way of arranging the “Russian world” and the Russian authoritarian-oligarchic political-economic system, which inevitably gave rise to the current extremely dangerous and dead-end political situation.”
Over these three years, there were quite a few disputes in the democratic movement about who should participate in the elections, but no other candidates except Grigory Yavlinsky appeared.
In the summer of 2017, in preparation for the presidential elections, Yabloko conducted a large-scale campaign for the withdrawal of Russian troops from Syria and the allocation of resources to the country’s internal needs. The rejection of geopolitical adventures in favor of internal development became the key thesis of Yavlinsky’s presidential program. In a short time, more than 100 thousand signatures under this demand were collected throughout Russia. The “Time to Come Home” campaign also had a significant impact on public sentiment. According to opinion polls, during the protest the number of supporters of the withdrawal of Russian troops from Syria grew to 50%.
Yabloko also conducted other campaigns in support of key positions of the presidential program - for the return of direct elections of mayors and governors, as well as for a new budget policy. Yavlinsky insists on changing the structure of tax distribution along the budget vertical in favor of regions and municipalities, as well as changing the priorities of budget spending - from financing law enforcement agencies and the state apparatus in favor of social spending.
Yavlinsky calls growing poverty the main indicator of the flawedness of the current course. It was precisely overcoming poverty and the colossal stratification of society that the Yabloko leader considered the priority task that the new president would have to solve. To this end, the candidate from Yabloko proposed such measures as tax exemption for the poorest segments of the population, a one-time compensation tax (Windfall tax) on extremely large incomes received as a result of fraudulent loans-for-shares auctions, and the creation of personal accounts of citizens where proceeds from the sale would go natural resources, implementation of the “Land – Houses – Roads” program. The most important place Yavlinsky's program included reform of the judicial system, ensuring the inviolability of private property, independence of the media and freedom on the Internet.
When participating in the presidential elections, Grigory Yavlinsky was aware that he would not be able to win current head state of Vladimir Putin. The calculation was that high level support for a candidate from the democratic opposition will lead to a significant correction of the current course.
“Policy change is fundamentally important. There is a huge demand in society for a ruthless dictatorship. If I fail to show that there is a request for a different policy and for a different direction, then this particular request will be implemented. When there are 10 million people behind a responsible leader, when they together openly and directly tell the truth, the situation in the country, and with it our lives, begin to change. It is impossible to ignore such a number of people. The ideas and proposals of their candidate will be forced to be taken into account" (from an interview with Ekho Moskvy radio, January 12, 2018)
On the eve of the start of the election campaign, in mid-December 2017, Grigory Yavlinsky published in “ Novaya Gazeta» article “My Truth”, in which he wrote that the upcoming “elections” are not elections, but “electoral Halloween”, and in these conditions the meaning of his participation in them is:
“...the fight for truth in the conditions of lies, Bolshevism and obscurantism, the fight against the real and dangerous political mafia, which is leading my country into a cliff.
The fight for truth is never comfortable - you have to pay for it. Formal humiliation with percentages, insults, brute pressure, sticky chatter of the party - this is my payment.”
There is a special website dedicated to how the election campaign took place - it contains everything policy documents, with which Grigory Yavlinsky went to the elections: the presidential program “Road to the Future”, “Economic Manifesto”, “Peace Plan”, “Blog-Future”, the “Land-Houses-Roads” and “Gas to Every Home” programs.
On interactive map In Russia, on this website you can see the routes of Grigory Yavlinsky’s election trips: in less than three months, he traveled almost 40 thousand kilometers, visited 20 cities, 16 regions. Here you can find out what happened on each of these trips, in particular, watch full video recordings of meetings with voters.
As Grigory Yavlinsky warned in the article “My Truth,” his result in these “elections” turned out to be demonstrably low - 1.05% of the votes. However, Yabloko emphasized that “the results of this vote are not the results of the elections,” since the presidential elections were turned into “a plebiscite regarding support for the person of the current president.”
In addition, Yabloko expressed distrust electronic means vote counting, in particular the Ballot Processing Complexes (KOIB), with the use of which up to 35 million people voted. “Electronic interference and correction of results in Russian elections is a very likely phenomenon and is entirely in line with doping scandals, troll and bot factories, hacker manipulations and other government adventures,” the party’s Federal Political Committee said in a statement following the campaign.
“The main result of this campaign in the real conditions prevailing in Russia by 2018 is the millions of people who heard us,” the statement emphasized. “Our conversation with people was serious and meaningful; we managed to distance ourselves from the ‘political circus’.”
Debates on the federal television channel, 2018
2016 Elections 2016: leader of the united democratic list
At these elections, YABLOKO became the basis of the democratic coalition: a third of the places on the electoral list were taken by non-party candidates, and its federal part included such well-known democratic politicians as Vladimir Ryzhkov, Dmitry Gudkov, Galina Shirshina and Lev Shlosberg. Among the leaders of regional groups of the electoral list there were many famous people. For example, director Alexander Sokurov, human rights activist Svetlana Gannushkina and co-founder of Dissernet Andrei Zayakin.
Grigory Yavlinsky headed the YABLOKO party's electoral list in the State Duma elections in September 2016. At these elections, YABLOKO became the basis of the democratic coalition: a third of the places on the electoral list were taken by non-party candidates, and its federal part included such well-known democratic politicians as Vladimir Ryzhkov, Dmitry Gudkov, Galina Shirshina and Lev Shlosberg.
Among the leaders of regional groups of the electoral list there were many famous people. For example, the St. Petersburg group was headed by director Alexander Sokurov, Chechnya was headed by human rights activist Svetlana Gannushkina, co-founder of Dissernet Andrei Zayakin became number one in the group uniting the Trans-Baikal Territory, Buryatia, Yakutia, Kamchatka, Chukotka and the Irkutsk region.
One of the main themes of the election campaign was the theme of respect for people. This is the name given to the party's election program: a program of transition from a state of war to a state of peace, from the power of corruption to the rule of law, from state lies to truth, from injustice to justice, from violence to dignity, from humiliation of a person to his respect.
YABLOKO experts developed a package of more than 140 bills in twenty different spheres of life, which they intended to submit to the State Duma in the event of the creation of a faction. Among the bills were the “Land – Houses – Roads” program developed by Grigory Yavlinsky, and a set of laws to overcome the consequences of criminal privatization in the mid-90s. In addition, Grigory Yavlinsky proposed his Economic Manifesto to the authorities: the main element of the economic program of action should be the adoption of a clear and unambiguous political decision in favor of economic development and growth as a priority goal of not only economic, but state, and not just economic policy.
Grigory Yavlinsky represented the party in pre-election debates on federal television channels and radio stations. In his speeches, he said that the system under the leadership of Vladimir Putin has led Russia to a dead end, and the country can be brought out of this dead end only after electing a new president and changing the system by electing a new president and changing the system:
“In Russia, a system of lies, theft, corruption, close friends has been created, a system that violates the Constitution and all laws. This system can be changed if the president is changed. Russia needs another president, another government, and then it will be possible to create a different system” (Debates on the Rossiya-1 TV channel, August 29, 2016).
Grigory Yavlinsky also spoke about the criminality of Russia’s war with Ukraine and the pointlessness of the military operation in Syria. The economy, he said, is being destroyed by politics, and if this is not stopped, Russia may soon forever find itself among the underdeveloped countries, which, given its size and borders with the most unstable regions, will inevitably lead to the collapse of the country.
In the elections of September 18, 2016, the Yabloko party, according to official data, received 1.99% (1,051,535 votes). A feature of these elections was a catastrophic decline in turnout. Even according to official data, the turnout was recorded at a level below 50%, and according to unofficial but credible estimates, the real turnout was no more than 35%. For these and many other reasons, the Yabloko party did not recognize the elections. The party's Federal Political Committee, led by Grigory Yavlinsky, stated:
“For the first time in modern Russian history, the State Duma was formed by a clear minority of the country’s population. Therefore, it does not represent Russian society and is not a body of popular representation. Manipulation of turnout, mass forced voting, as well as direct falsifications during vote counting and registration of protocols do not allow the federal elections held on September 18 to be recognized as fair and legitimate.”
At the same time, despite the low turnout and falsifications, in both capitals, Karelia, the Pskov region and some other regions, Yabloko showed high support. In Moscow and St. Petersburg, the average official result of the party was about 10%. In twenty districts of Moscow, Yabloko became the second most popular party after United Russia. In certain areas, such as, for example, the main building of Moscow State University. Lomonosov in Moscow or Phystech in Dolgoprudny, Yabloko’s list received more than 30%.
Summing up the results of the election campaign, Grigory Yavlinsky said that the point of Yabloko’s participation in these elections was to tell the truth: about the criminality of the war with Ukraine, the senselessness of the war in Syria, the need to correct the problem of Crimea, the exhaustion of the economic system and the general impasse. in which the country finds itself.
In these conditions, the purpose of the party’s participation in the elections, according to the politician, was to create conditions for the peaceful transformation of the system. According to the Yabloko leader, this could only be done through an open and very clear demonstration that millions of people in Russia support such a position.
Federal top ten "YAPLE" at the State Duma elections 2016: Sergei Mitrokhin, Dmitry Gudkov, Lev Shlosberg, Galina Shirshina, Nikolai Rybakov, Emilia Slabunova, Grigory Yavlinsky, Alexander Gnezdilov, Mark Geilikman, Vladimir Ryzhkov
2014 Russian-Ukrainian crisis: annexation of Crimea, war in Donbass
Grigory Yavlinsky consistently opposed the military-political adventure of the Russian authorities. He developed and proposed a comprehensive program to resolve the situation.
In November 2013, Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych, under pressure from Russia, announced the suspension of preparations for signing an association agreement between Ukraine and the European Union. Such government actions caused a wave of discontent in different cities of the country. A tent city was set up on Independence Square in Kyiv, called Euromaidan. In January 2014, the Verkhovna Rada adopted a number of laws that, in particular, included restrictions on a number of civil liberties. This led to a violent confrontation between protesters and the authorities both in the capital of Ukraine and in other regions of the country. On February 18, as a result of the actions of security forces in Kyiv, more than 100 people died. On February 21, President Yanukovych fled to Russia and was removed from the post of President of Ukraine.
In it, Yavlinsky wrote that until the end of autumn 2013, a social contract was in force in Ukraine: people were ready to tolerate Yanukovych as long as there was movement towards Europe. On the eve of the signing of the association agreement with the European Union, it was clear that the choice in favor of Europe does not split, but unites the country, he noted.
Grigory Yavlinsky believes that despite all the serious internal Ukrainian factors of the emerging crisis, its main reason is what is happening in Russia:
In cultural and historical terms, Russia, like Ukraine and Belarus, belongs to European civilization and the only really existing direction for their further development is European. Trying to move in a different direction is a deviation from natural historical development. The Ukrainian crisis is the first large-scale manifestation of this deviation and a direct consequence of the disruption of the natural process of historical development of the post-Soviet space.
Russia's unnatural refusal to move along the European path means a break in the post-Soviet space. The Ukrainian crisis is a consequence of this gap. Instead of moving with Ukraine in the European direction, Russia is trying to drag Ukraine in the opposite direction.
By its rejection of the European vector of movement, Russia is creating a significant belt of instability, since almost all of its western and even southern neighbors are ultimately striving for Europe, therefore, in all these countries there will be very serious forces fighting against Russia’s plans to “keep them and not let go." Sooner or later, instability caused by the erroneous anti-European course will come to Russia itself.
On March 1, 2014, the Federation Council of the Russian Federation satisfied President Putin’s official request for permission to use Russian troops on the territory of Ukraine, although by that time they had already actually been used there (the so-called “polite people” or “little green men” without identification marks) . On March 16, a referendum on the annexation of Crimea to Russia, which contradicted the Ukrainian Constitution, was held, based on the results of which, on March 17, the independent Republic of Crimea was unilaterally proclaimed, and on March 18, it signed an agreement with Russia on joining the Russian Federation. On March 27, the UN General Assembly by an overwhelming majority of votes (100 countries - for, 58 - abstained, 10, including Russia - against) adopted a resolution recognizing the referendum on the annexation of Crimea to Russia as illegal.
On March 16, the day of the referendum in Crimea, Grigory Yavlinsky published an article in Novaya Gazeta entitled “Peace and War. How to achieve the first and prevent the second.” In it, he wrote in particular:
“The position and actions of the official Russian authorities in relation to Ukraine and in connection with the events taking place there are a dangerous political adventure.
We consider it absolutely unacceptable to raise the question of the use of Russian troops on the territory of Ukraine. This is Yabloko's position.
We also consider the operation to separate Crimea from Ukraine and its annexation to be a mistake on a national scale.
The basis for this policy of the leadership of our country is clear. This is a popular positioning of Ukraine in circles around the government as a “failed state.” It is generally accepted there that pushing Ukraine toward political degradation and territorial disintegration, or turning it into a puppet state, is in Russia’s interests.
We are confident that it is in Russia's interests to immediately move away from such an ideology and stop such a policy.
The immediate consequence of the annexation of Crimea will be the transformation of Russia into a country with zero reputation and internationally unrecognized borders.”
The second part of the article was devoted to steps to resolve the current crisis. It specifically listed the obligations that each party had to undertake:
“We consider it necessary and, today, the only possible positive decision that can be made in the current situation, the immediate convening of an International Conference on political, legal and military issues related to Ukraine, in particular, on the entire range of issues of Crimea.
Its first goal is the restoration of legal principles in international life and in the field of security.
The second is guaranteeing the integrity and supporting the functionality of the Ukrainian state, preserving the political process in Ukraine in a parliamentary channel.
The third is the restoration of the rule of law on the territory of Crimea while respecting the interests of the population of Crimea as a whole and all its constituent groups, without reprisals against political opponents.”
The YABLOKO faction and Finance Minister Alexei Kudrin discuss the draft state budget, State Duma, 2002.
1992 An alternative to Gaidar's reforms. Regional reforms with Nemtsov
In January 1992, Russia began implementing economic reforms developed by a team of economists led by Yegor Gaidar. From the very beginning of their implementation, Grigory Yavlinsky became a consistent critic of this policy and formulated an alternative program. At the invitation of Boris Nemtsov, Yavlinsky and his colleagues are working on a program of regional reforms in the Nizhny Novgorod region.
In January 1992, Russia began implementing economic reforms developed by a team of economists led by Yegor Gaidar. From the very beginning of their implementation, Grigory Yavlinsky, who by that time had already left the government, and his colleagues became consistent critics of this policy.
Already in the spring of 1992, they analyzed the course of reforms carried out by the government of Yeltsin - Gaidar and his possible consequences in a special work “Diagnosis”, originally published under the title “Reforms in Russia, spring 1992”. In Diagnosis, this policy was sharply criticized: “... an analysis of the progress of economic reform (based on the results of April 1992) allows us to conclude that, despite the optimistic statements of the Russian government, not a single one of the goals formulated by it has been achieved. However, there is another, no less important question that needs to be answered: how correctly was the type of economic reform itself, its course followed by the government, initially determined? The authors of the document warned that if such a policy were continued, it could lead to a serious political crisis. Unfortunately, their forecasts came true in September–October 1993.
The Diagnosis essentially formulated alternative ideas about democracy, the market and market reforms to those propagated by the authorities. The authors of the document, in contrast to the unilateral economic policy of the authorities aimed at reducing the budget deficit, proposed a number of measures to strengthen the social component of reforms, modernization and development social sphere, the creation of modern sectors of the economy. “Diagnosis” could in fact be seen as a prototype of the program of the democratic opposition.
Grigory Yavlinsky and Boris Nemtsov, early 1990s
Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky- famous Russian economist, one of the founders of the association and leader of the Yabloko political party. In the past, Grigory Yavlinsky was Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR, one of the leaders of the Yavlinsky-Boldyrev-Lukin electoral bloc. Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky led the faction of the Yabloko party in the State Duma of Russia of the 1st, 2nd and 3rd convocations. Grigory Yavlinsky was a candidate for the presidency of Russia in 1996, 2000 and 2018.
Childhood and education of Grigory Yavlinsky
Father - Alexey Grigorievich Yavlinsky(1919−1981) lost his parents in the Civil War, was a street child in the 30s, then was brought up in the Kharkov commune-colony of the OGPU named after F.E. Dzerzhinsky at Anton Semenovich Makarenko. Grigory Yavlinsky's father graduated from flight school, then fought in Patriotic War. And all of Alexei Grigorievich’s older brothers fought on the fronts of the Great Patriotic War.
Mother - Vera Naumovna Yavlinskaya(1924−1997). Graduated with honors from the Faculty of Chemistry of Lviv University. She taught chemistry at the institute.
Grigory Alekseevich recalled about his childhood: “When I was ten years old, my mother gave me money for a soccer ball. I hold two three rubles in my fist, look for the ball and see the price: eight rubles and thirty kopecks. You can imagine how upset I was! I walked home and thought: why does the ball cost not six rubles, not five, but eight thirty? And suddenly this question pushed the failure with the purchase out of my head. I stopped at one shop window, and at another... Why does a bicycle cost twenty-seven rubles, a stroller - eighteen, and a loaf of bread - 12 kopecks? Why? Does anyone know the real price or did you just come up with it yourself? I ran to my grandfather with these questions, but even he could not answer me: “What difference does it make who invented it?” You better think about how to earn this money."
At school and in the yard, Grigory was always a leader. He attended sports clubs, played football, and there were wall-to-wall fights.
According to Grigory Alekseevich, parents did not spare money for summer vacation and education of their children. Gregory loved to read and played the piano. In first grade, Grigory went to regular secondary school No. 3 in Lviv, but then moved to a special school. By the eighth grade, Yavlinsky knew a fair amount of English. He was fond of the group “The Beatles”.
During his school years, Grigory was seriously involved in boxing in the Dynamo sports society. Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky twice won the championship in boxing competition. He was a two-time champion of Ukraine among juniors in the second welterweight division in 1967 and 1968. But when the time came to choose a profession, Grigory Yavlinsky decisively left sports and chose the profession of an economist.
After 9th grade, Grigory went to evening school. At the same time, he got a job as an electrician at the Lviv glass factory "Raduga".
Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky received his higher education at the Moscow Institute of National Economy. Plekhanov, he entered the general economics department, majoring in labor economics.
Grigory Yavlinsky was an excellent student at the institute. But during a trip to Czechoslovakia among Grigory’s best students, Yavlinsky found himself in a difficult situation. According to him, he had an unsuccessful conversation with a Komsomol organizer in the bathhouse and called him “a cannibal, a Stalinist and a Maoist.” “I hit him hard with my pelvis,” recalled Grigory Yavlinsky. However, the student, defending his political position with his fists, was not only not expelled from the institute, but, to everyone’s surprise, the story ended with Yavlinsky being recommended as a candidate to join the party, according to the Find Out Everything website.
The biography of Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky on Wikipedia says that while studying at the Plekhanov Institute, he not only worked to obtain a higher education, but also twice won the competition for the best joke of a Soviet university, and also participated in the publication of the samizdat newspaper “We”. Classmate of Yavlinsky Dmitry Kalyuzhny I was surprised that they were not imprisoned for samizdat.
Among Yavlinsky's teachers was Leonid Abalkin. It was he who played a positive role in the career of his student.
Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky received his diploma with honors in 1973, and then immediately entered graduate school, graduating in 1976. The biography of Grigory Yavlinsky on the official website states that he defended his dissertation on the topic “Improving the division of labor of workers in the chemical industry.”
Later, already being a famous politician, in 2005 Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky defended his doctoral dissertation at the Central economic institute RAS on the topic “The socio-economic system of Russia and the problem of its modernization.”
Labor activity Grigory Yavlinsky
After graduating from graduate school, Grigory Yavlinsky went to work at the All-Union Research Institute of Management under the USSR Ministry of Coal Industry (VNIIUgol). Gregory began to draw up qualification reference books and job descriptions here. In addition, Grigory Alekseevich traveled around the country, visited Kemerovo, Novokuznetsk, Chelyabinsk, and went down to the mine face.
The politician’s website reports that he was trapped under a rubble when Grigory Yavlinsky stood waist-deep in icy water for 10 hours. “We were saved, but three of the five died in the hospital,” Yavlinsky recalls.
In 1980, Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky moved to work at the Labor Research Institute of the State Committee for Labor and Social Issues as head of the heavy industry sector. Grigory Alekseevich tried in one of his first projects to write a work on improving labor in the USSR. He proposed either returning to the Stalinist system of total control, or giving enterprises greater independence. After this, as stated on Grigory Yavlinsky’s website, 600 printed copies were confiscated, and Grigory Alekseevich was periodically summoned to the KGB. After death Leonid Brezhnev the interrogations stopped. But soon Grigory Yavlinsky was hospitalized, having been diagnosed with tuberculosis. While he was in the hospital, all drafts of his work were burned.
Friends claimed that Grigory Yavlinsky was sent to the hospital in order to be psychologically “dulled.”
Political career of Grigory Yavlinsky
In 1989, Yavlinsky’s teacher, Professor Leonid Abalkin, having joined the authorities, invited Grigory Alekseevich to work in the Council of Ministers. A new position appeared in Grigory Yavlinsky’s track record - head of the Free Economic Department of the Council of Ministers of the USSR. In 1990, Grigory Yavlinsky was approved by the Supreme Council of the RSFSR as chairman of the state Commission on Economic Reform.
In his new position, Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky continued to develop new economic reforms.
Together with Mikhail Zadornov and Alexei Mikhailov, Yavlinsky worked on the “400 days of trust” program. This program was then proposed as the “500 days” program.
Not finding support in the country's leadership, Grigory Yavlinsky resigned on October 17, 1990. He began working at the Epicenter (Center for Economic and Political Research).
In April 1991, the US State Department officially invited Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky to a meeting of the G7 Council of Experts with participant status, according to the biography on the politician’s website. Together with scientists from Harvard University in the USA, Epicenter developed a program for integrating the Soviet economy into the world economic system - “Consent for a Chance”. This program was a continuation of the “500 days” program.
After the failure of the State Emergency Committee, Grigory Yavlinsky participated in planning activities to search for members of the State Emergency Committee, together with the chairman of the KGB of the RSFSR Viktor Ivanenko Yavlinsky, as a witness, entered the apartment of one of the leaders of the coup, the Minister of Internal Affairs of the USSR Boris Pugo. In his biography on the website, Grigory Yavlinsky emphasizes that, contrary to rumors, Pugo committed suicide before they came to him.
After the putsch, the Committee for the Operational Management of the National Economy of the USSR was created, headed by Ivan Silaev, one of whose deputies was Grigory Yavlinsky. Then the Supreme Soviet of the USSR entrusted a committee not provided for by the Constitution with the functions of the USSR government until the formation of a new composition of the Cabinet of Ministers of the USSR, but things did not come to that. From October until retirement Mikhail Gorbachev On December 25, 1991, Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky was also a member of the Political Advisory Committee under the President of the USSR.
Grigory Yavlinsky in 1991 worked on the creation of the “Agreement on Economic Cooperation between the Republics of the USSR.” However Boris Yeltsin opposed the new “supra-union” formation, believing that it would be easier for Russia alone to move to the market.
As it turned out, Yeltsin was betting on Yegor Gaidar, and not on Grigory Yavlinsky.
After the conclusion of the Belovezhskaya Accords, Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky left the government with his team.
In 1992, new developments followed on the basis of the Epicenter. Yavlinsky and his colleagues criticized Yegor Gaidar’s reforms and created the Diagnosis program, hoping that it would allow them to get out of the crisis with fewer losses than the government privatization program. In the new program, Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky opposed the “voucher” scheme for the privatization of large assets.
As is known from the biography of Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky, he began developing a program for market reforms in the Nizhny Novgorod region.
In the fall of 1993, Grigory Yavlinsky created an electoral bloc that could compete for seats in the State Duma. Together with him were Yuri Boldyrev and Vladimir Lukin as co-founders. The block was named "Apple".
During the period of confrontation between Boris Yeltsin and the Supreme Council, Yavlinsky proposed to return again to the idea of recreating relations with partners in the CIS according to the EU model. Grigory Alekseevich called on the participants in the confrontation to abandon mutual claims and call early presidential and parliamentary elections. He also called on the Supreme Council to surrender firearms. On the night of October 3-4, 1993, Grigory Yavlinsky criticized the speech of Yegor Gaidar, who called Muscovites to defend democracy.
At the end of 1994, Grigory Yavlinsky, together with his Yabloko colleagues, traveled to Chechnya and held negotiations with Dzhokhar Dudayev, offering himself as a hostage in exchange for prisoners. He was an ardent opponent of the war in Chechnya. Grigory Alekseevich repeatedly spoke in the State Duma about the withdrawal of troops from the republic.
Participation of Grigory Yavlinsky in the elections
In 1993, Yabloko took part in the elections for the first time, contrary to the expectations of Grigory Yavlinsky, Yabloko ended up in sixth place with a result of 7.86% of the vote.
In 1995, in the elections to the State Duma of the second convocation, Yavlinsky’s party received 6.89% of the votes (4th place).
In 1996, Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky became a candidate for the post of President of Russia for the first time. Grigory Yavlinsky entered the 1996 presidential elections on his own and took fourth place in the first round, gaining 7.35% of the vote. In his biography on his official website, Grigory Yavlinsky recalls meetings with Yeltsin, at which the president persuaded him to withdraw his candidacy. However, even without Yavlinsky’s help, Boris Yeltsin defeated his main competitor Gennady Zyuganov, and the elections went down in history, according to most experts, with the amount of fraud that allowed Yeltsin to win in the second round.
In September 1997, Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky announced his intention to run for president in the 2000 elections. According to the results of the State Duma elections in December 1999, Yabloko took sixth place. The party received 5.93% of the votes.
As you know, on December 31, 1999, Boris Yeltsin resigned. In the 2000 presidential elections, Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky took third place after Vladimir Putin and Gennady Zyuganov. Speaking for the second time as a presidential candidate, Yavlinsky worsened the result in terms of percentage, gaining 5.8% of the votes, but became third, and not fourth, as in 1996.
After 2000, Grigory Alekseevich did not put forward his candidacy for the post of president of the country for many years. The Yabloko party continued to take part in the State Duma elections. However, since the 2003 elections, Yavlinsky's Yabloko has not been able to overcome the 5% barrier.
In March 2004, Grigory Yavlinsky, by decision of the Yabloko party, refused to participate in the presidential elections in Russia, and he was not a presidential candidate in the next elections.
In 2008, Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky refused to nominate himself for the post of chairman of Yabloko, publicly supporting the nomination Sergei Mitrokhin. However, Grigory Alekseevich joined the new governing body of the party - the Political Committee. Observers noted that Yavlinsky took up teaching activities V High school economics and moved away from public politics.
However, he continued to generate ideas, in particular, in 2009, Grigory Yavlinsky proposed the concept of overcoming the crisis and high-quality economic growth “Land-Houses-Roads”.
Return of Grigory Yavlinsky to political career
In 2011, Grigory Yavlinsky headed the Yabloko electoral list in the State Duma elections. According to the results of the vote held on December 4, 2011, the Yabloko party did not enter the State Duma, but the 3.43% gained guaranteed state funding. Grigory Yavlinsky called the election results rigged and participated in protests.
Yabloko managed to get its deputies into several regions; 6 people entered the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg (12.5% of the votes).
From 2011 to 2016, Grigory Yavlinsky led the Yabloko faction in the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg.
In 2012, Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky tried to become a candidate for the post of President of the Russian Federation, but one of the founders of the Yabloko party was officially refused registration by the Central Election Commission. The decision to do so was made based on a check of the signature lists collected in support of Yavlinsky’s nomination. Based on the results of checking the second sample of signature sheets, the CEC rejected 25.66% of signatures, which is significantly more than the allowed 5%.
In 2013, Grigory Yavlinsky was a confidant of the candidate for mayor of Moscow, chairman of the Yabloko party Sergei Mitrokhin, and also developed the candidate’s economic program.
In the elections of September 18, 2016, the Yabloko party, according to official data, received 1.99% (1,051,535 votes).
Grigory Yavlinsky's position on Crimea and Syria
In the events in Ukraine in 2014, Grigory Yavlinsky criticized Russia's actions. In April 2014, in an interview with the “Face the Event” program on Radio Liberty, Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky called the annexation of Crimea annexation and accused Russia of seeking to destroy Ukrainian statehood.
In the fall of 2017, Grigory Yavlinsky proposed organizing international conference, and then hold a new referendum on the issue of Crimea’s ownership.
“With Crimea, everything is pretty bad, because no one in the world recognizes what was done in 2014,” Yavlinsky emphasized. “We need to hold an international conference on Crimea and develop a roadmap for solving this problem.”
According to him, Russia is currently a country with unrecognized borders.
“And I wouldn’t want to live in a country with unrecognized borders. In this case, from my point of view, we must ask that the residents of Crimea vote in the conditions of a normal referendum, which is recognized throughout the world,” the politician concluded.
The Crimean parliament rejected Grigory Yavlinsky's proposal for a second referendum.
In 2017, Yabloko held the “Time to Return Home” campaign in 60 Russian cities; according to Grigory Yavlinsky, more than 100 thousand Russian citizens supported the party’s initiative to stop Russia’s military operation in Syria, the news reported. The politician referred to opinion polls, according to which 49% of Russian citizens are against the continuation of the Syrian campaign. According to Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky, the war in Syria is ruinous for the Russian economy.
Speaking about economic problems, Yavlinsky suggested Alexey Kudrin for the post of head of government or first deputy prime minister with special political powers.
“It is necessary to appoint a person who can implement a program of financial and economic measures, honestly explain the reasons and take serious measures. Alexey Kudrin is such a person,” Yavlinsky was quoted as saying in the news.
Grigory Yavlinsky - candidate in the 2018 elections
The nomination of Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky as a candidate from Yabloko in the 2018 Russian presidential elections was announced back in February 2016.
A year later, the Yabloko party announced the launch of the presidential campaign of its candidate Grigory Yavlinsky.
Yavlinsky: “We are confident that we will collect signatures; for a party like Yabloko, collecting 100 thousand signatures is a completely solvable task, in addition, we have been working on this for quite a long time, despite the fact that collecting signatures in 40 regions is “This is an ‘exotic idea’, we collect signatures in different ways,” Yavlinsky said during a press conference.
Grigory Yavlinsky told reporters that the purpose of his nomination as a candidate for the post of President of the Russian Federation is an attempt to change state policy. At the same time, he noted that he does not really understand the talk about the need to unite the opposition.
On December 22, 2017, the congress of the Yabloko party nominated Grigory Yavlinsky as a candidate for the presidency of Russia. This decision was made the day before during a secret vote of delegates.
On the official website, presidential candidate Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky published his election program.
Family of Grigory Yavlinsky
Grigory Yavlinsky is married and has two sons.
Wife of Grigory Yavlinsky - Elena Anatolyevn a (nee Smotryaeva, genus. 1951), engineer-economist, worked at the Institute of Coal Engineering.
Native younger son, Alexey (born 1981), graduated in 1999 private school Bedales School in Hampshire (UK). He also received his higher education there, and in 2007 defended his dissertation on the topic “Indexing and retrieval of images using automated annotation of their content” at the Open University (London) under the guidance of Professor Stefan Rüger. Works as a research engineer creating computer systems.
The adopted eldest son from his wife’s first marriage, Mikhail (born 1971), graduated from the physics department of Moscow State University at the department of theoretical physics with a degree in nuclear physics, works as a journalist, hosts the program “The Fifth Floor” in the BBC Russian Service.
Since childhood, he studied music, played the piano, and composed. In 1994, Mikhail became a victim of political blackmail. He was kidnapped by unknown criminals, whose identities were never established. As Grigory Yavlinsky said in an interview with AiF, he received a package containing a severed finger right hand son was wrapped in a note with approximately the following content: “If you don’t leave politics, we’ll cut off your son’s head.” Immediately after this, Mikhail was released. Doctors performed a reconstructive operation. After this incident, Yavlinsky's sons moved to London for safety reasons.
Family
Father: Alexey Grigorievich Yavlinsky(1919(?) - 1981), exact date of birth is unknown, lost his parents during the Civil War, in the 1930s he was brought up in the commune colony of Anton Semyonovich Makarenko in Kharkov. After graduating from the colony, he entered flight school and then served in the army in Andijan. Participant of the Great Patriotic War. He ended the war as a senior lieutenant in the city of Vysoke Tatra (Czechoslovakia). After their wedding in 1947, the Yavlinskys lived in Lvov. Alexey Yavlinsky has worked in the system of children's correctional labor and educational institutions since 1949. In 1961, he was appointed director of a distribution colony for street children.
Mother: Vera Naumovna- born in 1924 in Kharkov. Immediately after the war, she moved with her family to Lviv from Tashkent, where the family lived in evacuation. Graduated with honors from the Faculty of Chemistry of Lviv University. She taught chemistry at the institute.
In 1952, the Yavlinskys had a son, Grigory, and in 1957, his brother Mikhail (born 1957), who now lives in Lvov and runs a small business.
Yavlinsky is married and has two sons.
Wife - Elena Anatolyevna(nee Smotryaeva), engineer-economist, worked at the Institute of Coal Engineering (Research Institute "Giprouglemash") before the "perestroika" layoffs.
Dear youngest son, Alexei(born in 1981), defended his Ph.D. thesis, works as a research engineer creating computer systems.
Adopted eldest son from his wife’s first marriage, Michael(born in 1971), graduated from the physics department of Moscow State University, department of theoretical physics and specialty "nuclear physics", works as a journalist.
Biography
In the first grade, Yavlinsky went to the third school in Lvov, and later moved to one of the special schools. Gregory excelled in most subjects (for example, by the eighth grade he spoke English fluently).
At school, Yavlinsky became acquainted with the works of English music group The Beatles, became a fanatical fan of them and even grew his hair long.
He twice became the champion of Ukraine in boxing among juniors in 1967 and 1968, but after the coach asked him to choose between boxing and “everything else,” Yavlinsky left the sport.
In 1968-1969, Yavlinsky left school (enrolled in evening school) and decided to work: he became a forwarder at the Lviv post office, at a haberdashery factory, then an electrician at the Lviv glass company "Rainbow", where he joined the team for setting up glass equipment . Despite the difficult working conditions (the workers worked next to hot furnaces), Yavlinsky was able to establish himself well and was accepted by other workers, who at first made fun of the youngest in the team.
In 1969 he entered the Plekhanov Moscow Institute of National Economy (MINKh) at the Faculty of Labor Economics. While studying, my friends and I published our own samizdat newspaper “We”. “How they didn’t put us in jail for samizdat at all,” Yavlinsky’s classmate later recalled Dmitry Kalyuzhny. However, he was under threat of expulsion from the institute not because of the samizdat press, but because of a quarrel with the Komsomol organizer. The quarrel turned into a scandal, but the future politician was saved by his classmates and friends: instead of expulsion, the Komsomol meeting recommended accepting him into the party.
In 1973 he graduated from the institute, and in 1976 he graduated from graduate school at the Ministry of Natural Sciences. Among his teachers was academician Leonid Abalkin. Doctor of Economic Sciences.
In 1978 he defended his Ph.D. thesis on the topic “Improving the division of labor of workers in the chemical industry.”
From 1976 to 1977 he worked as a senior engineer at the All-Union Scientific Research Institute for Coal Industry Management, and from 1977 to 1980 as a senior researcher there.
He was involved in rationing the labor of mine employees and engineers, worked in Kemerovo, Novokuznetsk, Prokopyevsk, and developed a special qualification reference book used in the coal industry. Once I got into an industrial accident at a mine, after which I was in the hospital (the doctors were unable to save some of the victims in that accident).
From 1980 to 1984 he worked as the head of the sector of the Research Institute of Labor of the State Committee for Labor and Social Issues (Goskomtrud), since 1984 - deputy head of the department and head of the department of the State Committee for Labor.
In 1982-1985, he was subjected to implicit political persecution for writing the work “Problems of Improving the Economic Mechanism in the USSR,” in which he predicted the onset of an economic crisis. The text and drafts of the book were confiscated from Yavlinsky, and he was summoned several times for an interview in a special department of the institute. He also connects with this the attempt to forcefully treat him “for tuberculosis” in 1984-1985. Yavlinsky claims that he barely avoided surgery to remove a lung and was discharged from the hospital with a diagnosis of “perfectly healthy” after coming to power.
In 1986, together with colleagues from the State Committee for Labor, he wrote his draft law on a state enterprise, which was rejected by those who led the preparation of the law Nikolai Talyzin(Chairman of the USSR State Planning Committee) and Heydar Aliyev(1st Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR) as too liberal.
On February 21, 2005, at the Central Economics and Mathematics Institute (CEMI) of the Russian Academy of Sciences, he defended his doctoral dissertation on the topic The socio-economic system of Russia and the problem of its modernization.
Author of more than sixty books and scientific publications. Latest: Realeconomik: The Hidden Cause of the Great Recession (and How to Avert the Next One). Yale University Press, 2011. And also: “Analysis of the USSR Economy” (1982), “The Grand Bargain” (1991), “Lessons of Economic Reform” (1994), “Russian Economy: Legacy and Opportunities” (1995), “Russia "s Phony Capitalism" (1998), "Incentives and Institutions: The Transition to a Market Economy in Russia" (Princeton University Press, 2000), "Demodernization" (2002), "Peripheral Capitalism" (2003), "Russian Prospects" (2006) and others.
Policy
Yavlinsky was a member of the CPSU from 1985 to 1991.
In the summer of 1989, Abalkin, having become deputy chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR, invited Yavlinsky to the post of head of the department and at the same time secretary of the State Commission of the USSR Council of Ministers for Economic Reform (“Abalkin Commission”).
In the spring of 1990, Yavlinsky, together with young economists Alexey Mikhailov And Mikhail Zadornov wrote a project for reforming the economy by transferring it to a market economy called “400 days.”
The program was sent to government members and leading economists and was proposed for implementation without attribution Mikhail Bocharov, running for the post of Prime Minister of the RSFSR (due to which many got the impression that he was the author of the program). After a showdown on the sidelines of the Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR, Bocharov recognized the authorship of Yavlinsky, who, after a conversation with Boris Yeltsin On July 16, 1990, he received the post of Chairman of the RSFSR State Commission for Economic Reform and Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR.
Yeltsin proposed the idea of this program (now called “500 days”) to Gorbachev for joint implementation. On their initiative, at the end of July 1990, it was created under the leadership of an academician Stanislav Shatalina a working group tasked with developing a unified union program for the transition to a market economy based on “500 days”. Shatalin was appointed deputy Nikolay Petrakov.
Work on the program, the main author of the program was Yavlinsky, lasted 27 days, and its idea led to a temporary political rapprochement between the leadership of the USSR and the RSFSR. The program provided for an agreement between sovereign republics on economic union, permission of all types of property, the beginning of the privatization of state-owned enterprises. To reduce the budget deficit, it was proposed to cut aid to developing countries, reduce spending on the army and government apparatus; monetary reform was not envisaged.
The program received the support of all 15 republics, but met resistance from the Council of Ministers of the USSR, led by and in October 1990, the Supreme Soviet of the USSR practically rejected it.
In the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, Gorbachev advocated combining the Yavlinsky-Shatalin programs and the alternative Abalkin-Ryzhkov program, which, according to both sides, was impossible.
When it became clear that the government of the USSR did not intend to implement the “500 days” program, Yeltsin announced that Russia was undertaking to carry it out alone, without the rest of the union republics, which was a purely political step, since the program designed for a union of republics could not be implemented in only one of them.
On October 17, 1990, Yavlinsky resigned from his post as Deputy Chairman of the Russian Council of Ministers. Subsequently, he emphasized that the implementation of the “500 days” would make it possible to preserve the union state.
In January 1991, he was appointed economic adviser to the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR (on a voluntary basis). At the same time, he headed the Inter-Republican Center for Economic and Political Research (EPICentre), which he organized.
He promoted another reform program, developed by him with the assistance of specialists from Harvard University (USA), “Consent for a Chance”, in which assistance from developed countries was to play a significant role in changing the Soviet economy.
In the spring of 1991, he was appointed a member of the Supreme Economic Council of Kazakhstan, an advisory body to the president. Nursultan Nazarbayev.
During the coup attempt in August 1991, he was in the White House; on August 20, 1991, he left the CPSU.
On August 22, 1991, together with the heads of law enforcement agencies, he went (as a “public witness”) to arrest the Minister of Internal Affairs of the USSR Boris Pugo (prior to their arrival, Pugo and his wife committed suicide).
On August 28, 1991 he became deputy Ivan Silaeva as chairman of the Committee for Operational Management of the National Economy of the USSR, responsible for economic reform. In this post he made a sensational statement about the size of the USSR's gold reserves, which turned out to be extremely small. Due to the dissolution of the USSR, the Committee ceased its work at the end of 1991.
From October to December 1991 he was a member of the Political Advisory Council under the President of the USSR. He was also a member of the working group for the preparation of the Agreement on Economic Cooperation between the republics of the USSR. Sharply criticized the Russian government’s disavowal of the signature of the Minister of Economy of the RSFSR Evgenia Saburova under the agreement on the Interstate Economic Community.
From June 1 to September 1, 1992, Yavlinsky's EPICentr, under an agreement with the administration of the Nizhny Novgorod region, worked out a regional reform program. The main measures to stabilize the economy were the issue of regional loan bonds, which was supposed to solve the problem of lack of cash, the release of producers from non-production expenses, as well as the introduction of the information system “Operational tracking of social indicators”. Yavlinsky believes that as a result of three months of work, he was able to create the basis for the formation of a market infrastructure and make a number of proposals regarding the “new federalism” in Russia (“to look for solutions not from the top down, but from the bottom up”). The results of the experiment are described in the book “Nizhny Novgorod Prologue” published by EPICentr (1993).
Yavlinsky also tried to apply the Nizhny Novgorod experience in Novosibirsk, where in October 1992 he became an economic consultant to the regional administration, and St. Petersburg, where the mayor Anatoly Sobchak invited him to develop an urban privatization model.
Joined the Public Council on Foreign and Defense Policy (SVOP) established on June 22, 1992 (along with Sergei Karaganov– the initiator of the creation and head of the SVOP, Sergei Stankevich, Evgeniy Ambartsumov, Arakdiy Volsky and others).
In November 1992, at the international seminar “Doing Business with Russia,” he made a policy statement in which he argued that the government’s financial stabilization policy Yegor Gaidar failed, and there are neither political nor economic prerequisites for it (“you cannot stabilize the currency of a country that does not exist”), pointed out the need to maximally simplify trade between the former Soviet republics and transition to systemic reforms (land reform and privatization). This statement was regarded as a "soft start to the election campaign."
In an interview with the Russkaya Mysl newspaper, he said that, if elected president, he would like to see on his team Yuri Boldyrev, Konstantina Zatulina("they will work").
After the bloody riots during the demonstration on May 1, 1993 in Moscow, he demanded that the authorities punish their perpetrators.
In September 1993, regarding Yeltsin’s decree on the dissolution of parliament and the retaliatory attempts of the Supreme Council (SC) to remove Yeltsin from power, at the first moment he stated that “the president’s decisions are certainly illegal, but the actions of the Supreme Council are illegitimate,” offering the conflicting parties “mutual refusal steps taken on September 21 and 22” and “setting the date for simultaneous early elections of the President and Parliament” at the beginning of 1994 (i.e., a compromise program similar to the “zero option” of the Chairman of the Constitutional Court Valery Zorkin).
On September 25, 1993, he signed the “Program of 14” ( Alexander Vladislavlev, Sergey Glazyev, Anatoly Denisov, Igor Klochkov, Vasily Lipitsky, Nikolay Ryzhkov, Vasily Tretyakov, Nikolay Fedorov, Egor Yakovlev etc.), which proposed holding simultaneous early parliamentary and presidential elections based on a modified “zero option”: decisions of all government bodies “affecting constitutional issues” are suspended from September 21, and the activities of the Supreme Council and its commissions are reduced to new elections to control functions and consideration of legislative initiatives of the government.
On September 28, 1993, at a press conference, he said that a compromise “according to Zorkin” was no longer realistic and that, in his opinion, what should be sought from the parliament was mainly the surrender of firearms, and from the presidential team - simultaneous elections with their postponement from December to February - March 1994. Visited the White House on a mediation mission.
After the events of October 3, 1993, when parliament supporters seized the mayor's office and stormed Ostankino, he demanded a decisive suppression of the rebellion by military force.
In October 1993, he created his own electoral association, the Yavlinsky-Boldyrev-Lukin Bloc (Yabloko), which included the Russian Ambassador to the United States Vladimir Lukin, former head of the Control Directorate of the Administration of the President of Russia Yu. Boldyrev, Nikolay Petrakov, a number of EPICentr employees, as well as representatives of the Republican Party Russian Federation(RPRF), the Social Democratic Party of the Russian Federation (SDPR) and the Russian Christian Democratic Union - New Democracy (RHDS-ND) party (the parties became the formal founders of the bloc).
On December 12, 1993, he was elected to the State Duma on the Yabloko list. He was the chairman of the Yabloko faction in the State Duma of the first convocation and a member of the Duma Council.
At the end of 1994, he condemned the start of hostilities in Chechnya. He traveled to Chechnya with the aim of liberating Russian prisoners of war captured by the troops of Dzhokhar Dudayev (the trip was crowned with partial success).
In the 1995 State Duma elections, Yavlinsky headed the list of the Yabloko electoral association, which received 4th place (6.89% - 4,767,384 votes).
On February 9, 1996, the Central Election Commission registered authorized representatives of the Yabloko Association, which nominated Yavlinsky for President of the Russian Federation.
In the first round of the presidential elections on June 16, 1996, he received 5,550,710 votes, or 7.41% (fourth place after Yeltsin, Gennady Zyuganov and Alexander Lebed). On the eve of the second round, he called not to vote for Zyuganov, but did not make a direct recommendation to his supporters to vote for Yeltsin - which the Yeltsinists expected and demanded of him.
In April 1997, he opposed the signing of an agreement between Belarus and Russia.
Regarding the unification of Belarus and Russia, Yavlinsky stated that the time for unification has not yet come, and if the unification takes place on the basis of the existing agreement, the idea will simply be discredited and this will only aggravate the economic and political situation in both countries.
On May 6, 1997, at a meeting with Moscow State University students, he stated that it was necessary to amend the Constitution, which would deprive the president of the right to issue secret decrees, as well as to interfere by issuing decrees in economic policy. At the same time, Yavlinsky emphasized that all restrictions should not apply to the current president, since otherwise attempts to change the Constitution will be perceived as attacks on the powers of Yeltsin personally. At the same meeting, he called Yuri Luzhkov “a very capable person and a very capable politician,” and Anatoly Chubais- “one of the main architects of a system in which everyone steals.”
In 1998, he joined the leadership of the “Media Against Drugs” movement.
In September 1998, he was the first to propose a candidacy for the post of Prime Minister Evgenia Primakova. After Primakov was approved for this post by the State Duma, he rejected the offer to join the government as Deputy Prime Minister for Social Issues.
In September 1999, Yavlinsky headed the federal list of the Yabloko electoral association in the elections to the Duma of the third convocation.
On December 19, 1999, he was elected to the State Duma (Yabloko received 6th place in the elections - 3,955,457 votes, 5.93%). He again headed the Yabloko faction in the Duma.
On January 15, 2000, the Central Council of Yabloko decided to nominate Yavlinsky as a candidate for the post of President of Russia by an initiative group of citizens (but formally not from Yabloko - so as not to convene an expensive congress, and also so that the nomination was not narrowly partisan).
On January 18, 2000, at the first meeting of the State Duma of the third convocation, the Yabloko faction refused all posts in the Duma in protest against the “conspiracy” with the communists of the pro-presidential Unity faction, which resulted in the election of Gennady Seleznev as Chairman of the Duma and the division of the majority of Duma committees between " Unity", the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and their satellite groups ("People's Deputy" and "Agro-Industrial").
On January 19, 2000, he was nominated as a presidential candidate by an initiative group of citizens led by Sergei Kovalev. On February 19 it was registered by the Central Election Commission.
On March 26, 2000, in the presidential elections he received 47,351,452 votes (5.80% - 3rd place after Putin and Zyuganov).
Since the fall of 2000 - co-chairman of the Russian Public Council for Educational Development (ROSRO).
In January 2001, he made a speech at the All-Russian Congress “In Defense of Human Rights.” In particular, he said:
“In ten years, our country has experienced two wars, one of which continues. Two defaults, one of them grandiose, in 1998. Hyperinflation in 1992, which destroyed all the material capabilities of our fellow citizens. In 1993, we faced the outbreak of a civil war. The energy accumulated during this time begins to transform into a new quality - our country has stopped counting its dead. We now do not pay attention to how many people die every day both in hot spots and in many others, completely inexplicable from the point of view of logic, law and Constitution, foundations. A country that does not count its dead sets off on a very dangerous path - it becomes indifferent. This is exactly what is needed for the biggest political adventures.".
In February 2001, in an interview, he said that in Russia “a corporate police state is being created... Putin does everything consciously and purposefully... He is perfectly aware of everything.”
At the same time, analyzing the annual activities of the new government, he stated that Russia risks becoming “not a strong, but an arrogant state” if the government does not abandon the desire to build a “corporate, bureaucratic, police” state in the country with “complete domination of the official over the citizen.”
On April 3, 2001, in the “Itogi” program, he spoke out against new personnel appointments at NTV, and on April 4, 2001, he proposed that the State Duma of the Russian Federation consider a draft resolution in support of NTV. The State Duma did not support Yavlinsky's initiative.
In April 2001, he took the initiative to create the Democratic Conference - a broad coalition of democratic forces, the structure of which would exclude the dominance of individual politicians or parties.
On June 19, 2001, the first All-Russian Democratic Conference, convened on the initiative of Yavlinsky, began its work. 22 political and civil organizations took part in the Meeting.
In September 2001, Yavlinsky was accused by the former chairman of the Moscow youth Yabloko. Andrey Sharomov And Vyacheslav Igrunov in authoritarianism and inciting internal party fights “in the spirit of Stalinism.” In response to this, he stated that, probably, Sharomov and Igrunov were simply implementing a plan to collapse Yabloko.
On September 18, 2001, a week after the largest terrorist attacks in the United States, he stated that Russia should actively participate in international anti-terrorist operations.
On October 14, 2001, he was elected chairman of the Regional Party "Yabloko" of Moscow (RPYA) (instead of Igrunov). He stated that he was forced to take over temporary management of the organization in order to bring it out of the crisis and would remain as chairman of the RPMY for several months.
On December 22-23, 2001, a congress was held at which Yabloko was transformed into a political party. During a secret ballot on the night of December 23, Yavlinsky was again elected leader of Yabloko. 472 delegates voted for his candidacy, 33 voted against. There were no abstentions. No alternative candidates were put forward.
In April 2002, speaking at the conference “Vectors of Development of Modern Russia,” he said that a “corporate-bureaucratic system” had developed in Russia and there was a “transition to a police state,” and accused the Kremlin of censoring television.
On June 5, 2002, the Kuntsevo court of the capital partially satisfied the claim of the President of Bashkiria Murtaza Rakhimov on the protection of honor and dignity to Yavlinsky. The court ordered the defendant to pay the plaintiff 20 thousand rubles as compensation. During the election campaign to the State Duma in the fall of 1999, Yabloko activists distributed election leaflets in Bashkiria, which contained calls to vote for Yavlinsky’s supporters and criticism of local authorities. In particular, the current republican leadership was called “a feudal regime that is squeezing oil, gas, and minerals out of the republic.” The messages to voters were signed by Yavlinsky.
On October 23, 2002, at about 9 p.m. in Moscow, in the theater building at st. Melnikova, 17, where the musical "Nord-Ost" was being played, a group of 40 armed Chechens (including women) burst in and took all the spectators and actors hostage. In total about 800 people. The next morning, the terrorists demanded that Yavlinsky and Irina Khakamada come to them for negotiations. At this time, Yavlinsky was in Tomsk at the funeral of the tragically deceased leader regional office"Yabloko" by Oleg Pletnev. He urgently flew to Moscow and held negotiations with the terrorists late in the evening. Nothing was reported about their results.
On October 29, 2002, he was invited to a meeting with the president in the Kremlin. Putin thanked him “for his participation in the work to free the hostages”: “You are one of those who took part, played a very positive role and, unlike others, did not make PR out of it.”
On November 1, 2002, the State Duma refused to include in the agenda of the plenary session a draft resolution on the need for a parliamentary investigation into the circumstances of the capture and release of hostages in Moscow, proposed by the Yabloko faction. Yavlinsky stated that this happened as a result of the actions of the SPS faction.
“Firstly, the State Duma is afraid of freedom of speech, is afraid to provide a platform for independent deputies and uses the Duma apparatus, which, through manipulation and fraud, does not allow consideration of the resolution. Secondly, the Union of Right Forces is participating in this unscrupulous game. Their draft resolution is left on the agenda.”
According to Yavlinsky, the draft ATP was written to please the presidential administration, because all the blame is shifted to Moscow doctors. “But the decisions were made above the doctors.”
On December 23, 2002, at a press conference, he named politicians who, in his opinion, have no place in a single coalition of democratic forces. "These are members of the Union of Right Forces - people with whom we cannot cooperate for reasons of principle - such as Anatoly Chubais and Sergey Kiriyenko"He stated that it is quite acceptable for Yabloko to cooperate with Irina Khakamada and - to a large extent - with Boris Nemtsov."
According to Yavlinsky, trust in the union of democrats will be negligible if the coalition is headed by those who supported the war in Chechnya, carried out criminal privatization, and built state financial pyramids and carried out selfish defaults.
In January 2003, the leaders of the Union of Right Forces, through representatives of a large Russian business offered Yavlinsky a compromise option for interaction between the two parties. This option provided for the formation of a single party list, the top three of which would be headed by Nemtsov, Yavlinsky and Khakamada. At the same time, Yavlinsky would be nominated as a single candidate from the democratic forces in the presidential elections.
On January 29, 2003, a meeting was supposed to take place between Yavlinsky and Nemtsov, at which they were supposed to discuss joint actions in the 2003 parliamentary elections. However, on January 28, the Union of Right Forces received a letter from Yavlinsky and his deputy Sergei Ivanenko, in which they refused the meeting: “Due to the fact that numerous print and electronic media have already outlined your proposals in detail and we were able to familiarize ourselves with them, the meeting scheduled on your initiative has lost its meaning.”
On April 27, 2003, at a meeting of the Bureau of the Federal Council of Yabloko, a statement from the bureau, signed by Yavlinsky, was adopted, which stated that the party faction in the State Duma was instructed to initiate raising the issue of the resignation of the government: The Bureau of the Federal Council of Yabloko believes that the Russian government is not coping with the responsibilities assigned to him, demonstrates complete incapacity... to ensure the security of the country and its citizens, curb crime; failure of the most important economic reforms...; anti-social policies; protection of the interests of large monopolies and oligarchic structures." In addition, Yabloko reproached the cabinet for “virtually abandoning military reform” and “inability to carry out administrative reform.”
In May 2003, a former ally of Yavlinsky spoke about her former party leader as follows:
“He is the bearer of mythological consciousness. At meetings with people, Yavlinsky tells how good it will be when Yabloko is in power. Mythological consciousness allows us not to solve existing problems, but to get away from them. He preaches sincerely, convincingly, but these are myths that presented so talentedly and skillfully that some voters believe".
On June 18, 2003, speaking in the State Duma during a discussion of the issue of no confidence in the government initiated by Yabloko and the communists, Yavlinsky called on the deputies “not to remain a technical Duma under a technical government” and announced that the Yabloko faction would vote for the resignation of the cabinet. The State Duma did not support the proposal to resign the government.
In July 2003, the Cheryomushkinsky Court of Moscow awarded Yavlinsky victory in his litigation with the journalist Alexander Gordon and M1 TV channel. Yavlinsky filed a lawsuit for the protection of honor, dignity and business reputation, and the court found Gordon’s statements that the USSR ceased to exist, among other things, because of the activities of the Yabloko leader, to be untrue, discrediting honor, dignity and business reputation. And also that the election campaign of Yavlinsky, who was aspiring to the presidency, was financed from the United States. In addition, Gordon called Yavlinsky a bribe-taker. According to the court decision, Gordon had to pay Yavlinsky 15 thousand rubles as compensation for moral damage.
On July 31, 2003, an interregional social movement"Apple without Yavlinsky." The goal of the founders is to draw attention to the difficult situation in which the party found itself due to the policies of its leader. Leader of the movement Igor Morozov explained the purpose of the initiative this way:
“We have always supported the Yabloko party. We voted for it in the State Duma elections in both 1995 and 1999. The main thing for us has always been the party’s loyalty to democratic ideals and its independence from any government: both from the state and from big capital "We used to believe that there was at least one party in the Duma that was distinguished by genuine intelligence and honesty towards voters. We do not like Yavlinsky's weakness, power-hungry and populism. This pushes voters away from Yabloko. The party may not overcome the barrier of 5 % of votes in State Duma elections. Polls also show this public opinion. And after failure in the elections the party will disappear altogether. political force. It pains us to see that at the moment, belonging to a party is associated with populism, destructiveness and irresponsibility.".
Sergei Mitrokhin called the establishment of the movement “a banal action of “black PR.” He also said that he is inclined to believe that “the order of the event is personally Anatoly Chubais and RAO UES, and Messrs. Gozman and Trapeznikov are doing this.”
On September 6, 2003, at the Yabloko party congress, Yavlinsky said: “The Yabloko candidate will participate in the Russian presidential elections in 2004.
In September 2003, Yavlinsky was included in the federal list of the Yabloko electoral association at No. 1 in the central part of the list for participation in the elections to the State Duma of the fourth convocation.
In September 2003, Yavlinsky announced that Yabloko would present its alternative draft federal budget for 2004, where social policy would be a priority.
On September 29, 2003, at a meeting of the Central Election Commission, Yabloko's complaint against the actions of the Yabloko without Yavlinsky movement was upheld. The Central Election Commission decided to contact the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Prosecutor General's Office "with a proposal to suppress illegal activities."
On December 7, 2003, in the elections to the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the fourth convocation, the Yabloko party gained, according to official data, 4.3% (6th place after 5 parties that entered the Duma), thus failing to overcome the 5% barrier. According to other sources, Yabloko actually overcame the barrier, but its (as well as other parties) official percentage decreased due to a significant attribution of votes to the United Russia list.
On December 9, 2003, Yabloko began negotiations on creating a coalition with the Union of Right Forces and other parties. According to the head of the Yabloko election campaign, Sergei Ivanenko, the talk was about nominating a single candidate for the presidential election.
"Yabloko" sets itself the task of creating a serious, large party over the next four years, which will truly unite the democratic opposition.".
At the congress, it was decided not to nominate a candidate for the presidential elections on March 14, 2004. Commenting on this decision, Yavlinsky said: “We would nominate our candidate if we considered it politically possible to participate in the elections. Free, equal, politically competitive elections are impossible in Russia.”
On March 29, 2004, the NTV television company reported that Yavlinsky could be appointed Russia's plenipotentiary representative in the European Union. The leadership of the Yabloko party confirmed this information.
In June 2004, Yavlinsky resigned as leader of the Moscow branch of Yabloko, which he held for two years, combining it with the post of party chairman. (Mitrokhin was elected as the new chairman of the Moscow branch of the party).
On July 3-4, 2004, at the congress of the Yabloko party, Yavlinsky was again elected chairman of the party (190 votes in favor out of 252 delegates to the congress; the alternative candidate was the then head of the Sverdlovsk regional organization of Yabloko Yuri Kuznetsov received 59 votes.
In October 2004, Yavlinsky was awarded the International Prize for Freedom. The prize has been awarded since 1985 for consistent advocacy of the principles of democracy and human rights; was nominated for the prize by the “Liberals, Democrats and Reformers” faction of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe.
On December 12, 2004, speaking at the congress “Russia for Democracy, Against Dictatorship,” he said that all democratic forces could unite around his party. “To overcome helplessness and pseudo-democracy, it is necessary to unite democratic forces, and Yabloko offers its party as the basis for such a unification.”
On July 2, 2005, Yavlinsky rejected the possibility of uniting with the Union of Right Forces, since, in his opinion, this party is undemocratic and associated with power.
On September 10, 2005, the Moscow branch of the Union of Right Forces decided to contact Yabloko with a proposal to run in the Moscow City Duma elections on December 4, 2005 with a single list under the Yabloko brand (election blocs were prohibited by this time), but with the condition that two seats in the first The top three on the list will go to ATP.
On September 23, 2005, Yavlinsky said: “We agree to a compromise solution: the first place in the general democratic list... will be taken by the representative of the Union of Right Forces, Moscow City Duma deputy Dmitry Kataev. At the same time, the central part of the list is reduced to two people and the second position will be given to the Moscow City Duma deputy from Yabloko.” Evgeniy Bunimovich."
On September 25, 2005, SPS leader Nikita Belykh and Yavlinsky announced that the list would be headed not by Kataev, but by Moscow City Duma deputy Ivan Novitsky.
On November 10, 2005, Yavlinsky and Belykh issued a special appeal in which they called on their supporters to come to the polls and vote for the “Apple-United Democrats” list.
On December 4, 2005, in the elections to the Moscow City Duma, the Yabloko - United Democrats list gained 11.11% (third place).
December 12, 2005, speaking at the All-Russian Civil Congress. Yavlinsky proposed a program of action - the concept of a new social contract. According to him, the basis of the agreement is “overcoming the alienation between the government and society, the abolition of all unjust decisions, as well as solving the problem of property”: “The fate of Russia is being decided not on the street, but through a new social contract. We need de-Stalinization and de-Bolshevization of the country.”
On November 14, 2006, a party statement signed by Yavlinsky was published, which stated that Yabloko considers the abolition of the turnout threshold for elections at all levels, proposed by United Russia, as “another step to turn elections into a farce.” This proposal “directly leads to the elimination of the institution of real elections in Russia and its replacement with imitation.”
On June 21-22, 2008, at the XV Congress of Yabloko, he proposed electing Sergei Mitrokhin as the new chairman of the party, which was carried out (the congress elected Yavlinsky himself as a member of the political committee).
On February 28, 2009, by decision No. 10 of the Political Committee of the Yabloko RUDP, Yavlinsky’s proposed concept of overcoming the crisis and high-quality economic growth “Land-Houses-Roads” was adopted. The “Land-Houses-Roads” program was transferred to the Head of Government Vladimir Putin and President Dmitry Medvedev in the same year, but no action was taken to implement it.
On the night of September 10-11, 2011, at the XVI Yabloko Congress, it was decided that the party’s electoral list for the State Duma elections on December 4, 2011 would be headed by Grigory Yavlinsky.
On December 4, 2011, according to the official voting results, the party did not overcome the five percent threshold and did not receive seats in parliament. However, she gained more than in the previous elections, receiving 3.43%, which guaranteed the party state funding. Yabloko also managed to get its deputies into three regions, including the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg: here the party received 12.5% of the votes and 6 mandates. Yavlinsky, who also headed the party list in these elections, agreed to lead the Yabloko faction in St. Petersburg. He received a parliamentary mandate on December 14, 2011.
On December 19, 2011, the congress of the Yabloko party nominated Yavlinsky as a candidate for the post of President of Russia in the elections, which were scheduled for March 4, 2012.
On January 18, 2012, he submitted to the Central Election Commission the two million signatures of voters in his support required to participate in the elections. After checking the signatures, the Central Election Commission refused to register Yavlinsky as a candidate, rejecting 23% of the submitted signatures.
February 8, 2012 Supreme Court The Russian Federation considered Yavlinsky’s complaint against the CEC’s decision, but recognized the refusal to register as legal. Yavlinsky himself commented on the withdrawal of his candidacy from the elections for political reasons.
In December 2011 - March 2012, Yavlinsky actively supported protests against election fraud that took place in Russia, and repeatedly spoke at “For Fair Elections” rallies in Moscow.
At the beginning of 2012, he suffered a serious heart attack, as a result of which doctors recommended that he adjust his busy schedule and lifestyle.
On March 18, 2012, he was hospitalized in a Moscow clinic with an attack of angina pectoris and therefore missed the opposition rally at Ostankino. On March 27, he was discharged from the hospital.
On May 14 and 15, 2012, Yavlinsky visited St. Isaac's Square in St. Petersburg, where the opposition camp was located.
In June 2015, Grigory Yavlinsky gathered for the fourth time for the presidential election campaign for the President of the Russian Federation.
In August 2016, the Russian Central Election Commission registered the federal list of candidates for the State Duma of the seventh convocation of the Yabloko party.
The federal part of the party's list was headed by the "founding father" of Yabloko, Grigory Yavlinsky. The federal part of the list also included the chairman of the party, ex-co-chairman of RPR-PARNAS, leader of the Pskov branch of Yabloko, ex-chairman of the party Sergei Mitrokhin, adviser to Yavlinsky Mark Geilikman, deputy chairman of Yabloko Nikolay Rybakov And Alexander Gnezdilov, ex-mayor of Petrozavodsk Galina Shirshina and State Duma deputy.
Income
In 2013, Yavlinsky filed a declaration of income for the previous year in the amount of 7.4 million rubles earned through scientific activities. His wife earned 116 rubles in a year.
Rumors (scandals)
In the spring of 1996, when the presidential election campaign began, the son of a politician Mikhail Yavlinsky became a victim of political blackmail. He was kidnapped by unknown criminals, whose identities were never established.
Grigory Yavlinsky received the package. The severed finger of the son’s right hand was wrapped in a note: “If you don’t leave politics, we will cut off your son’s head.”
Immediately after this, Mikhail was released. Doctors performed a successful reconstructive operation. It was after this that the sons of Grigory Yavlinsky moved to London for safety reasons.
May 10, 2004 in the TV program Andrey Karaulov“Moment of Truth” showed a story about the Sakhalin-1 and Sakhalin-2 oil fields, developed by Shell. The story reported that “as a result of the transfer of these mines to a foreign company, Russia lost at least $2.5 billion,” in addition, “42 thousand residents of Sakhalin froze in their apartments due to the fact that local authorities cannot buy Sakhalin gas from Shell at world prices."
For more than a quarter of a century, the name of Grigory Yavlinsky has been on a par with the names of Russian politicians advocating radical economic reforms in Russia. Despite the ambiguous attitude of the people, Yavlinsky's Yabloko party is still one of the leading opposition blocs in the country.
Grigory Yavlinsky was born on April 10, 1952 in the city of Lvov, Ukrainian SSR. The father of the future politician, Alexei Grigorievich Yavlinsky (1917-1981), lived an interesting, eventful life. Left orphaned in early childhood, Alexey became a street child. In 1930, the teenager ended up in a Kharkov commune under the leadership. After graduating, I went to flight school. He went through the Great Patriotic War and graduated with the rank of senior lieutenant in Czechoslovakia. After the war, Alexey Yavlinsky graduated from the Lvov Pedagogical Institute and the Higher School of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. He worked as the head of a children's distribution colony for street children.
Grigory Yavlinsky’s mother is Vera Naumovna (1924-1997). Gregory's father met her when he came to visit relatives in Lviv. A month after they met, the couple got married. Vera Naumovna graduated from Lviv University and taught chemistry. Gregory has a younger brother, Mikhail. He lives in Lvov and is engaged in private business.
The Yavlinsky family lived very poorly. But, according to Grigory Alekseevich, parents did not spare money for summer vacation and education of their children. Gregory loved to read and played the piano. He was seriously involved in boxing - he twice became the champion among juniors of Ukraine. WITH early childhood the future politician gravitated towards foreign languages. The neighbor taught little Grisha English. Studied at school No. 3 in Lviv.
A few years before graduation, he transferred to evening studies. He worked at the post office, glassware factory, and tannery. After graduating from school in 1969, Yavlinsky went to Moscow and entered the Institute of National Economy. Plekhanov to the Faculty of General Economics.
Policy
In 1973, Grigory Yavlinsky graduated from the institute with honors, and in 1976 – graduate school. After graduating from graduate school, he compiled reference books and job descriptions at VNIIUugol. In 1978 he defended his Ph.D. thesis. In 1980, Grigory Yavlinsky became deputy head of the research institute department, and then head of the State Labor Committee. At that time, the first unspoken friction between the young economist and the authorities began.
The Labor Committee, headed by Yuri Batalin, did not like Yavlinsky’s work “Improving the economic mechanism in the USSR” (1985), which predicted an imminent economic crisis in the USSR. The printed 600 copies of the work were confiscated, and Yavlinsky became a frequent guest during interrogations at the KGB. The story ended with Yavlinsky's long stay in a closed sanatorium for tuberculosis patients. He was released only after coming to power.
In the summer of 1989, the former institute teacher of Yavlinsky and the former deputy chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR Leonid Abalkin appointed Grigory Alekseevich head of the Consolidated Economic Department of the Council of Ministers of the USSR. On July 14, 1990, the Supreme Council of the RSFSR approved Yavlinsky as Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR. At the same time, he headed the state commission for economic reform.
The reform consisted of implementing a program called “500 days”, created by Yavlinsky together with Alexei Mikhailov. It consisted of transferring the union economy to market conditions, introducing private property, and strengthening the small business sector. On September 1, 1990, the “500 days” program was announced before the Supreme Council of the RSFSR.
After Gorbachev’s proposal to combine the “500 days” project with the alternative “Main Directions of Development”, created by order (of the Chairman of the USSR Council of Ministers), Yavlinsky resigned. In October 1990, Grigory Alekseevich opened the Center for Political and Economic Research. From October to December 1991, Yavlinsky was a member of the Political Advisory Committee under the President of the USSR.
In December 2002, the Yabloko party lost the elections to the State Duma. And in March 2004, by decision of the Yabloko presidium, Yavlinsky refused to nominate his candidacy for the presidential elections in Russia, calling the fight unfair. In June 2008, he also refused to participate in the re-election to the post of leader of Yabloko. Having practically stopped political activity, became a teacher at the Higher School of Economics.
In December 2011, the Yabloko congress nominated Grigory Yavlinsky as a candidate for the presidency of Russia in 2012. The Central Election Commission refused to register Grigory Alekseevich. The reason was the missing number of votes, but Yavlinsky called the decision of the Central Election Commission political.
Personal life
Grigory Yavlinsky is married. Wife – Elena Anatolyevna, engineer-economist. The couple has two sons. The youngest, Alexey, was born in 1981. He graduated from private school and the Open University in London. Works in England as a research engineer creating computer systems.
The eldest is Mikhail, the son of his wife from her first marriage, born in 1971. He graduated from the physics department of Moscow State University with a degree in nuclear physics and works as a journalist. After the kidnapping of Mikhail and political threats to Grigory Alekseevich in 1994, the family insisted on moving young man in England.
Grigory Yavlinsky now
Yavlinsky's name regularly appears in the press. The name of the politician, like any public person, is associated with many scandalous publications on the following topics: “ real name", "nationality", etc. Grigory Alekseevich even filed a lawsuit against the television journalist and the M1 TV channel for the protection of honor, dignity and business reputation and won the case.
He sharply criticized the Russian government in foreign policy. Yavlinsky's statement about Crimea and Ukraine caused a great resonance in the press:
“...the annexation of Crimea also took place on the quiet... they want this (Ukraine) to be a failed state, so that it is an outskirts and an appendage of Russia”
On March 4, 2016, Yavlinsky announced his participation in the 2018 Russian presidential elections. The politician marked the start of his presidential campaign with the following statement:
“I will win the elections against Putin and return Crimea.”
Grigory Alekseevich’s latest initiative was the “Time to Return Home” campaign, which started on June 19, 2017. The goal is to collect signatures in favor of Russia's withdrawal from military conflicts. The presidential candidate's program, statements, biography, photos are regularly updated on the official website of Grigory Yavlinsky.
The politician’s slogan: “To behave like a superpower, you have to be one. And this is impossible with the economy we have today.”
