Causes of the revolution events of February 1917. Abstract: The February revolution and its results

February (23) revolution of 1917

The year 1917 foreshadowed new social upheavals. imperialist war continued. Russia has already spent most of its national treasure. The general decline in production continued, especially in the fuel, metallurgical and machine-building industries. The output of consumer goods has halved. Transport was hit the hardest. Agriculture was in deep crisis.

The revolution was expected. But she came unexpectedly. It all started in Petrograd on the basis of food difficulties that arose in February 1917 in connection with the poor performance of transport. The political activity of the working masses intensified as a result of the revealing propaganda of the socialist parties. It was led primarily by the Bolshevik organizations.

1st World War

Work question

The question of land

Maintaining autocracy

feudal vestiges

February 27 - mass transition of soldiers to the side of the rebels (a temporary committee of the Duma and the Petrograd Council are being created)

March 1 - the front commanders did not support the tsar (the Petrograd Soviet and the provisional committee begin to form a government0

Denial of the king, liquidation of the monarchy

· Gaining political freedom

Prospects for the democratic development of Russia

Emergence of dual power

The most important result of the February Revolution was the elimination of the monarchy.

The victory of the February Revolution turned Russia into the freest country of all the warring powers, providing the masses with the opportunity to widely enjoy political rights.

All over the country the workers and peasants created people's organs of power.

One of the main results of the February Revolution is dual power. The essence of dual power was the exercise of two forms of power: the power of the bourgeoisie - the Provisional Government and the revolutionary democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry - the Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies.

supreme body Russian state after the February Revolution became the Provisional Government.

28. Russia in March-October 1917.\

Russia's development path

radical socialist

(Bolshevik-socialism)

Liberal

(Cadets-capitalist system)

moderate socialist

(sensheviks, socialist-revolutionaries-capitalism + elements of socialism

Provisional government (Cadets - support by the bourgeoisie and the intelligentsia, there is power without power)

Petrograd Soviet (Essers and Mensheviks - support by workers, peasants and the army. There is strength without power)

The provisional government has not resolved the issues of the population and is not supported by the population. The Petrograd Soviet with the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries supported the provisional government.

Crises of the provisional government:

April (creation of a coalition government)

June (the provisional government survived thanks to the Social Revolutionaries and Mensheviks)

July (end of dual power)

April 18th the first government crisis broke out, culminating in the formation on May 5, 1917 of the first coalition government with the participation of socialists. It was caused by the general social tension in the country. The opposing sides were the imperialist bourgeoisie and the masses. This led to popular indignation, which spilled over into mass rallies and demonstrations. On May 5, an agreement was reached between the Provisional Government and the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet to create a coalition.

First All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' deputies June 3-24, which was dominated by the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks, supported the bourgeois Provisional Government and rejected the Bolsheviks' demand for an end to the war and the transfer of power to the Soviets. This increased the outrage of the masses. Cadets, Socialist-Revolutionaries, Mensheviks attacked the Bolsheviks, workers and revolutionary soldiers. Fearing to lose the confidence of the people, the SR-Menshevik leaders were forced to take a decision at the congress to hold 18 June (July 1) general political demonstration under the sign of confidence in the Provisional Government. The causes of its occurrence have not been eliminated. The consequence of this was July days 1917…

Elections to the St. Petersburg Council in September

August 17 - the Bolsheviks decided to switch to armed methods of struggle for power

October (25) revolution of 1917

The weakness of the provisional government

Unresolved key issues

· Increasing the influence of the Bolsheviks. Bolshevization of the Soviets

In the autumn of 1917, the economic and military situation in Russia worsened even more. The devastation paralyzed its national economy. Throughout the country there were demonstrations of workers, soldiers, peasants. The Bolsheviks confidently directed the revolutionary struggle. The speedy overthrow of the Provisional Government was the national and international duty of the workers' party. Lenin considered it necessary to immediately begin the organizational and military-technical preparations for the uprising. For leadership, the Provisional Revolutionary Center was allocated. Detachments of the Red Guard were formed and armed in the capital.

IN October revolution In 1917, the Bolsheviks, according to a number of historians, won because they were a centralized political force that had broad ties with the masses. The victory of the October Revolution led to a sharp change in the alignment political forces in Russia. The proletariat became the ruling class, and the Bolshevik party became the ruling class.

The reorganization of society was carried out on a socialist basis, so the overthrown exploiting classes offered all possible resistance, which resulted in a bloody civil war.

After the October Revolution, the world split into two camps: capitalist and socialist. Socialism is becoming a real phenomenon in world history; there has been a process of mankind's transition to a new social quality.

Outcome: the coming to power of the Bolsheviks, the collapse of the liberal ways of the country's development

The formation of Soviet power:

A decision was made to conclude a separate peace

Land socialization carried out

Decree on power

Decree on land

Power to the Soviets: workers, peasants, soldiers' deputies

Legislative power (headed by Sverdlov) (VTsIK) -62% Bolsheviks, Left SRs

Executive power (SNK-council of people's commissars)

Council of People's Commissars (Lenin)

All-Russian Extraordinary Commission (VIC) (Dzerzhinsky at the head)

Decrees of the Soviet government:

· 8 working days

Declaration of the rights of the peoples of Russia

Sovereignty of all peoples

Liquidation of class division of society

Equalize the rights of men and women

The church is separated from schools and from the state

Russian Communist Youth Union

The dictatorship of the prolitariat, the building of socialism is the goal.

Soldiers' demonstration in Petrograd. February 23, 1917 (Photo: RIA Novosti)

A general strike began in Petrograd, in which about 215,000 workers took part. The spontaneous movement covers the whole city, students join it. The police are unable to "stop the movement and the gathering of people." City authorities throw forces to strengthen the protection of government buildings, post office, telegraph and bridges. Mass rallies continue throughout the day.

From the diary of Nicholas II.“At 10½ I went to the report, which ended at 12 o'clock. Before breakfast they brought me a military cross on behalf of the Belgian king. The weather was bad - a blizzard. I took a short walk in the garden. I read and wrote. Yesterday Olga and Alexei got measles, and today Tatyana (the children of the tsar. - RBC) followed suit.

The army and police set up outposts on all the main bridges in the morning, but crowds of protesters moved into the center of Petrograd right on the ice of the Neva. The number of strikers exceeded 300 thousand people. Mass rallies were held on Nevsky Prospekt, calls for the overthrow of the tsar and the government were added to the demands for bread.

Clashes continued between the protesters and the police, who had to open fire on the crowd several times. By evening, the unrest in the capital was reported to Nicholas II, who demanded that the city authorities decisively stop them. During the night, police arrested dozens of people.

From the diary of Nicholas II.“I got up late. The report lasted an hour and a half. At 2½ I drove into the monastery and venerated the icon of the Mother of God. Made a walk along the highway to Orsha. At 6 o'clock I went to the vigil. I've been busy all evening."

Demonstration at the Petrograd Arsenal. February 25, 1917 (Photo: RIA Novosti)

The protesters continued to gather in the center of Petrograd, despite the drawn bridges. The clashes with the army and police became more and more violent, the crowds could only be dispersed after they opened fire, and the death toll was already in the hundreds. Pogroms broke out in some areas. Chairman of the State Duma Mikhail Rodzianko sent a telegram to the tsar, in which he called what was happening in the city anarchy, but did not receive any answer from him.

Later, Chairman of the Council of Ministers Nikolai Golitsyn announced the suspension of the work of both houses of parliament - the State Council and the State Duma - until April. Rodzianko sent another telegram to the tsar demanding that the decree be immediately suspended and a new government formed, but he also received no answer.

From the diary of Nicholas II."At 10 o'clock. went to dinner. The report ended on time. A lot of people had breakfast and all cash foreigners. I wrote to Alix (Empress Alexandra Feodorovna. - RBC) and drove along the Bobruisk highway to the chapel, where I took a walk. The weather was clear and frosty. After tea, I read and received Senator Tregubov until dinner. I played dominoes in the evening.

The training team of the reserve battalion of the Life Guards of the Volyn Infantry Regiment mutinied - the soldiers killed their commander and freed those arrested from the guardhouse, along the way joining several neighboring units to their ranks. Armed soldiers linked up with the striking workers, after which they seized some of the weapons from the workshops of the Gun Factory. An armed uprising began in the capital.

The rebels managed to get to the Finland Station, on the square in front of which numerous new rallies began. Several tens of thousands of soldiers joined the crowd of protesters, the total number of demonstrators exceeded 400 thousand people (with a population of Petrograd of 2.3 million people). Prisons were liberated throughout the city, including Kresty, from which several Mensheviks were released, who declared that the main task of the rebels was to restore the work of the State Duma.

The rebellious soldiers of the Volynsky regiment go with banners to the Tauride Palace. February 27, 1917 (Photo: RIA Novosti)

In the afternoon, the protesters gathered at the Taurida Palace, where the State Duma met. The deputies decided to formally submit to the dissolution order, but continued their work under the guise of a "private meeting". As a result, a new body of power was formed - the Provisional Committee, which, in fact, became the center of the protest movement. In parallel, representatives of the leftist parties created an alternative governing body - the Provisional Executive Committee of the Petrosoviet.

Toward evening the government gathered for its last meeting and sent a telegram to Nicholas II, in which he said that he was no longer able to cope with the situation that had arisen, proposed to dissolve himself and appoint a person who enjoys general trust as chairman. The tsar ordered troops to be sent to Petrograd and refused to accept the resignation of the government, which dispersed without waiting for the monarch's answer. Nicholas II decided to personally arrive in the capital, while the Provisional Committee of the State Duma announced that he was taking power in the city into his own hands.

From the diary of Nicholas II.“Unrest broke out in Petrograd a few days ago; unfortunately, the troops began to take part in them. It's a disgusting feeling to be so far away and receive fragmentary bad news! Was not long at the report. In the afternoon I took a walk along the highway to Orsha. The weather was sunny. After dinner, I decided to go to Tsarskoye Selo as soon as possible and at one in the morning I got on the train.

The city authorities inform Nicholas II that almost all the military who were in the city went over to the side of the protesters. During the day, armed workers and soldiers captured the Peter and Paul Fortress, having at their disposal all of its artillery. The revolutionaries forced the head of the Petrograd Military District, Lieutenant General Khabalov, to leave the Admiralty. He complied with the instructions, withdrawing the remnants of the troops loyal to him to the Winter Palace, which was also soon occupied by the rebels.

On the morning of the same day, former Interior Minister Alexander Protopopov was arrested in the Tauride Palace. The rebels actually took control of the situation in the city. There were almost no forces left in the capital ready to carry out the orders of the king.

Nicholas II (Photo: RIA Novosti)

Meanwhile, Nicholas II left Mogilev early in the morning for Tsarskoye Selo, where Empress Alexandra Feodorovna was at that time. While in Orsha, he received a telegram from members of the Provisional Committee, who informed him of the critical situation in the capital, which drove the masses to despair and forced the troops to join them. The tsar was asked to "resolutely change domestic policy" and approve the composition of the new cabinet of ministers.

By this time, the Provisional Committee had managed to send out a message throughout the country that it was taking full control of the entire railway network in the empire. The head of the tsarist military headquarters, General Mikhail Alekseev, who was originally going to take over this control, abandoned his decision. Moreover, he changed the rhetoric in his messages to other commanders-in-chief, moving away from describing the chaos and anarchy in the capital. In his message to General Nikolai Ivanov, who was sent by the tsar with assembled units to suppress the uprising in Petrograd, he said that the Provisional Committee managed to take the situation in the capital under control. Having received the letter, Ivanov decided not to send troops into the city until the situation became completely clear.

From the diary of Nicholas II.“I went to bed at 3 o’clock, because I spoke for a long time with N.I. Ivanov, whom I am sending to Petrograd with troops to restore order. Slept until 10 o'clock. We left Mogilev at 5 o'clock. morning. The weather was frosty and sunny. In the afternoon we passed Vyazma, Rzhev, and Likhoslavl - at 9 o'clock.

The train of Nicholas II never managed to get to Tsarskoye Selo - in the Malaya Vishera area, the tsar was informed that the neighboring stations were in the hands of the rebels. The emperor turned the train around and went to Pskov, where the headquarters of the Northern Front was located. The new authorities unsuccessfully tried several times to block Nikolai's train to prevent him from rejoining the army.

Nevertheless, the tsar managed to get to Pskov, where he received a telegram from Alekseev. He informed Nikolai about the riots that had begun in Moscow, but urged him to avoid a forceful solution to the problem and, as soon as possible, "put a person whom Russia would trust at the head of the government and instruct him to form a cabinet." Ruzsky, Commander-in-Chief of the Northern Front, made similar proposals in a personal conversation with the tsar.

Nikolay to the last refused to establish a government responsible to the Duma, not wanting to become a constitutional monarch and be responsible for decisions that he could not influence. However, towards the end of the day, another telegram arrived from Alekseev containing a draft of a proposed manifesto for the establishment of a responsible government. Having lost the support of his own chief of staff, Nikolai sends a telegram to General Ivanov and asks him to abandon the armed suppression of the rebellion and stop the advance of troops to Petrograd.

Nicholas II (right in the foreground) and Mikhail Alekseev (left in the foreground). 1915 (Photo: RIA Novosti)

Meanwhile, in the capital, the Provisional Committee and the executive committee of the Petrograd Soviet had already begun to discuss the composition of the new government. The parties agreed that a Provisional Government should be formed, which would announce a political amnesty, guarantee the population basic freedoms, and begin preparations for elections to the Constituent Assembly, which would determine how the new Russia would live.

That same night, the Petrograd Soviet, without any consent, issued its “Order No. 1”, in which it subjugated the army located in the capital and transferred all leadership in military units to soldier committees, depriving the officers of power. Dual power arose: de jure power was in the hands of the Provisional Committee, but de facto in Petrograd the Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies became the main decision-making body.

From the diary of Nicholas II.“At night we turned back with M. Vishera, because Luban and Tosno turned out to be occupied by the rebels. We went to Valdai, Dno and Pskov, where we stopped for the night. I saw Ruzsky. He, [commanders] Danilov and Savvich were having lunch. Gatchina and Luga also turned out to be busy. Shame and shame! It was not possible to reach Tsarskoye. Thoughts and feelings are always there! How painful it must be for poor Alix to go through all these events alone! Help us Lord!

In his telegram, Alekseev said that “it is necessary to save the army from collapse”, “the loss of every minute can be fatal for the existence of Russia” and that “the war can be continued to a victorious end only if the requirements for abdication from the throne are fulfilled” in favor of the son of Nikolai II. All the commanders of the fronts in their responses asked the king to abdicate in order to save the country.

In the afternoon, Nicholas II signed the abdication manifesto. A little later, representatives of the Provisional Committee Alexander Guchkov and Vasily Shulgin came to him, who told the tsar about the situation in the country and again asked him to transfer power to his son under the regency of Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. Nicholas informed them that he had already abdicated in favor of Tsarevich Alexei, but now, not wanting to lose contact with him, he was ready to abdicate in favor of Mikhail. Closer to midnight, the manifesto was handed over to the deputies.

Manifesto of Nicholas II on the abdication

In the days of the great struggle with the external enemy, who had been striving to enslave our Motherland for almost three years, the Lord God was pleased to send Russia a new ordeal. The outbreak of internal popular unrest threatens to have a disastrous effect on the further conduct of the stubborn war. The fate of Russia, the honor of our heroic army, the good of the people, the whole future of our dear Fatherland demand that the war be brought to a victorious end at all costs. The cruel enemy is straining his last strength, and the hour is near when our valiant army, together with our glorious allies, will finally be able to break the enemy. In these decisive days in the life of Russia, we considered it a duty of conscience to facilitate for our people the close unity and rallying of all the forces of the people for the speedy achievement of victory, and in agreement with the State Duma, we recognized it as good to abdicate the throne of the Russian state and lay down the supreme power. Not wanting to part with our beloved son, we pass on our heritage to our brother, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich and bless him to ascend the throne of the Russian state. We command our brother to govern the affairs of state in complete and inviolable unity with the representatives of the people in legislative institutions on the basis that they will establish, taking an inviolable 123 oath to that. In the name of our dearly beloved Motherland, we call on all the faithful sons of the Fatherland to fulfill their sacred duty to him by obedience to the tsar in a difficult moment of national trials and to help him, together with representatives of the people, lead the Russian state onto the path of victory, prosperity and glory. May the Lord God help Russia.

After that, Nikolai went back to Headquarters, having previously sent a telegram to Grand Duke Mikhail. "Events last days compelled me to decide irrevocably on this extreme step. Forgive me if I upset you and that I did not have time to warn you. I remain forever faithful and devoted brother. I fervently pray to God to help you and your Motherland,” he wrote.

Michael, who did not have time to receive this telegram from his brother, also abdicated a day later. The Russian autocracy fell, all official power passed into the hands of the Provisional Government.

The editorial of the newspaper "Morning of Russia". March 2 (15), 1917 (Photo: Photo archive of M. Zolotarev)

From the diary of Nicholas II.“In the morning Ruzsky came and read his long conversation on the phone with Rodzianko. According to him, the situation in Petrograd is such that now the ministry from the Duma seems to be powerless to do anything, because. the Social-Democratic Party represented by the workers' committee is fighting it. I need my renunciation. Ruzsky passed this conversation on to the headquarters, and Alekseev to all the commanders-in-chief. There were answers from everyone. The bottom line is that in the name of saving Russia and keeping the army at the front in peace, you need to decide on this step. I agreed. A draft manifesto was sent from Headquarters. In the evening, Guchkov and Shulgin arrived from Petrograd, with whom I had a talk and gave them a signed and revised manifesto. At one o'clock in the morning I left Pskov with a heavy feeling of what I had experienced. Around treason, cowardice and deceit!

By the end of 1916, Russia was gripped by general discontent caused by war weariness, rising prices, government inaction, and the obvious weakness of imperial power. By the beginning of 1917, almost everyone in the country was waiting for inevitable changes, but they began as unexpectedly as in 1905.

On February 23, 1917 (March 8, according to a new style - International Women's Day), groups of women workers began to gather in different districts of Petrograd, taking to the streets demanding bread. There was enough bread in the city (in any case, there was a two-week supply of it), but the rumors that leaked to the masses about the supply reduced due to snow drifts (171 wagons of food per day instead of the norm of 330) caused panic and rush demand. Many stocked up on bread and crackers for the future. Bakeries could not cope with such an influx. There were long queues at the bread shops, in which people stood even at night. The government was blamed for what was happening.

In addition, on February 23, the management of the Putilov factory announced a lockout (the reason was the exorbitant economic demands of the workers of a number of shops). Putilov workers (and later workers from other factories) joined the women's demonstration. Spontaneous pogroms of bread shops and grocery stores broke out. The crowd overturned trams (!!!), fought with the police. The soldiers were persuaded not to shoot. The authorities did not dare to prevent this somehow.

The order of Nicholas II to use weapons to restore order in the capital was received by the commandant of Petrograd, General Khabalov, only on February 25, when it was too late. There was no organized suppression. The soldiers of some units (mainly the reserve battalions of the guards regiments stationed at the front) began to go over to the side of the demonstrators. On February 26, the elements of the riot got out of control. However, the parliamentary opposition hoped that the creation of a "responsible (to the Duma) ministry" could save the situation.

Rodzianko telegraphed Nicholas II to Headquarters: “The situation is serious. Anarchy in the capital. The government is paralyzed… Public discontent is growing… It is necessary to immediately instruct a person enjoying the confidence of the country to form a new government.” The tsar's only response (obviously unaware of the true scale of events) to this appeal was the decision to dissolve the Duma for two months. By noon on February 27, 25,000 soldiers had already crossed over to the side of the demonstrators. In some parts, officers loyal to the tsar were killed by them. On the evening of February 27, about 30,000 soldiers come to the Tauride Palace (the seat of the Duma) in search of power, in search of a government. The Duma, which dreamed so much of power, hardly dared to create a Provisional Committee of the State Duma, which declared that it would undertake "the restoration of government and public order."

The Provisional Committee of the State Duma included: chairman - Mikhail V. Rodzianko (Octobrist), V.V. Shulgin (nationalist), V.N. Lvov (center), I.I. Dmitriev (Octobrist), S.I. Shidlovsky (Octobrist), M. A. Karaulov (progressive), A. I. Konovalov (labor group), V. A. Rzhevsky (progressive) P. N. Limonov (cadet), N. V. Nekrasov (cadet), N S. Chkheidze (S.-D.). This choice was based on the representation of the parties united in the Progressive Bloc.

A few hours before the creation of the Duma Committee, the first Council is organized. He addresses the workers of Petrograd with a proposal to send deputies by the evening - one for every thousand workers. In the evening, the Soviet elects the Menshevik Nikolai S. Chkheidze as chairman, and leftist Duma deputies Alexander F. Kerensky (Trudovik) and M. I. Skobelev (right Menshevik) as deputies. There were so few Bolsheviks in the Soviet at that moment that they were not able to organize a faction (although the Bolshevik A. G. Shlyapnikov was elected to the Executive Committee of the Soviet).

At the time when two authorities arose in Petrograd - the Committee of the Duma and the Executive Committee of the Soviet - the Russian emperor was traveling from Headquarters in Mogilev to the capital. Detained at the Dno station by rebellious soldiers, Nicholas II signed on March 2 the abdication of the throne for himself and his son Alexei in favor of his brother - led. book. Mikhail Alexandrovich (declared his unwillingness to accept the throne until the decision of the Constituent Assembly on March 3). Nikolai made this decision after his chief of staff, General Alekseev, supported by the commanders of all five fronts, declared that abdication was the only way to calm public opinion, restore order and continue the war with Germany.

Alexander I. Guchkov and Vasily V. Shulgin accepted the abdication from the Provisional Committee. Thus, the thousand-year-old monarchy fell rather quickly and imperceptibly. On the same day (March 2), the Provisional Committee of the State Duma creates a Provisional (that is, until the convocation of the Constituent Assembly) government, headed by Prince Georgy E. Lvov, the former chairman of the Zemsky Union (Lvov on March 2, at the request of the Provisional Committee, Nicholas II approved at the head of the Council of Ministers; this was probably the last order of Nicholas as emperor). The leader of the Cadets Pavel N. Milyukov became the Minister of Foreign Affairs, the Octobrist A. I. Guchkov became the Minister of War and the Navy, Mikhail I. Tereshchenko (a millionaire sugar producer, non-party, close to the Progressists) became the Minister of Finance, A. F. Kerensky became the Minister of Justice (a lawyer who participated in sensational political trials (including the trial of M. Beilis), and as a deputy of the III and IV State Dumas (from the Trudoviks faction). So, the first composition of the Provisional Government was almost exclusively bourgeois and predominantly Cadet. The Provisional Government declared its goal to continue the war and convene a Constituent Assembly to decide the future structure of Russia.In fact, on this, the bourgeois parties considered the revolution completed.

However, simultaneously with the creation of the Provisional Government, the Petrograd Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies were united. N. S. Chkheidze became the chairman of the united Petrosoviet. The leaders of the Petrograd Soviet did not dare to take full power into their own hands, fearing that without the Duma they would not be able to cope with state administration in conditions of war and economic disruption. The ideological attitudes of the Mensheviks and, in part, the Socialist-Revolutionaries, who prevailed in the Petrosoviet, also played their role. They believed that the end of the bourgeois-democratic revolution was the business of the bourgeois parties united around the Provisional Government. Therefore, the Petrograd Soviet, which at that time had real full power in the capital, decided on the conditional support of the Provisional Government, subject to the proclamation of Russia as a republic, a political amnesty and the convening of the Constituent Assembly. The Soviets exerted powerful pressure "from the left" on the Provisional Government and by no means always took into account the decisions of the Cabinet of Ministers (which included only one socialist, Minister of Justice A.F. Kerensky).

So, despite opposition from the Provisional Committee of the State Duma, on March 1, 1917, Order No. 1 of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies was adopted, calling on the soldiers to create soldiers' committees in all divisions of the garrison, subordinate to the Council and to transfer to them the right to control the actions of officers . By the same order, all the weapons of the unit were transferred to the exclusive disposal of the committees, which from now on “in no case” (!!!) should have been issued to officers (in practice, this led to the seizure of even personal weapons from officers); all disciplinary restrictions outside the ranks were canceled (including saluting), soldiers were allowed to join political parties and engage in politics without any restrictions. The orders of the Provisional Committee (later - the Provisional Government) were to be executed only if they did not contradict the decisions of the Council. This order, which undermined all the basic foundations of army life, was the beginning of the rapid collapse of the old army. Published at first only for the troops of the Petrograd garrison, he quickly got to the front and similar processes began there, especially since the Provisional Government did not find the courage to decisively oppose this. This order placed all the troops of the Petrograd garrison under the control of the Soviet. From now on (that is, from its very creation!) the Provisional Government became its hostage.

On March 10, the Petrograd Council concluded an agreement with the Petrograd Society of Manufacturers and Breeders on the introduction of an 8-hour working day (this was not mentioned in the declaration of the Provisional Government). On March 14, the Council adopted a manifesto "To the peoples of the whole world", which declared the rejection of predatory goals in the war, from annexations and indemnities. The manifesto recognized only a coalition war with Germany. Such a position in relation to the war impressed the revolutionary masses, but did not suit the Provisional Government, including Minister of War A. I. Guchkov and Minister of Foreign Affairs P. N. Milyukov.

In fact, the Petrosoviet from the very beginning went far beyond its city status, becoming an alternative socialist government. A dual power developed in the country, that is, a kind of intertwining of powers: real power in a number of cases was in the hands of the Petrograd Soviet, while in fact the bourgeois Provisional Government was in power.

The members of the Provisional Government were divided on questions of methods and relations with the Soviets. Some, and primarily P. N. Milyukov and A. I. Guchkov, believed that concessions to the Soviet should be minimized and everything should be done to win the war, which would give credibility to the new regime. This meant the immediate restoration of order both in the army and in enterprises. A different position was taken by Nekrasov, Tereshchenko and Kerensky, who demanded the adoption of some of the measures demanded by the Soviet in order to undermine the authority of the workers' and soldiers' organ of power and to provoke the patriotic upsurge necessary for victory in the war.

Political parties after February

After the February Revolution, the party-political system of Russia clearly shifted to the left. The Black Hundreds and other far-right, traditionalist-monarchist parties were crushed in the course of February. The center-right parties of the Octobrists and Progressives also experienced a severe crisis. The only major and influential liberal party in Russia were the Cadets. Their numerical strength after the February Revolution reached 70 thousand people. Under the influence of revolutionary events, the Cadets also "turned to the left." At the VII Congress of the Cadet Party (end of March 1917) there was a rejection of the traditional orientation towards a constitutional monarchy, and in May 1917, at the VIII Congress, the Cadets spoke in favor of a republic. The "Party of People's Freedom" (another name for the Cadets) set out to cooperate with the socialist parties.

After the February Revolution, there was a rapid growth of socialist parties. The socialist parties clearly dominated the all-Russian political arena both in terms of the number of members and in terms of influence on the masses.

The Socialist-Revolutionary Party grew significantly (up to 700-800, and according to some estimates even up to 1200 thousand people). In the spring of 1917, sometimes whole villages and companies were enrolled in the AKP. The party leaders were Viktor M. Chernov and Nikolai D. Avksentiev. The Socialist-Revolutionary Party attracted with its radical agrarian program close to the peasants, the demand for a federal republic and the heroic aura of long-standing and selfless fighters against the autocracy. The Socialist-Revolutionaries advocated a special path for Russia to socialism through the people's revolution, the socialization of the land and the development of cooperation and self-government of the working people. The left wing was strengthened in the AKP (Maria A. Spiridonova, Boris D. Kamkov (Kats), Prosh P. Proshyan). The leftists demanded decisive steps "toward the elimination of the war", the immediate alienation of the landowners' lands, and opposed a coalition with the Cadets.

After February, the Socialist-Revolutionaries acted in a bloc with the Mensheviks, who, although inferior in number to the AKP (200 thousand), nevertheless, due to their intellectual potential, exercised "ideological hegemony" in the bloc. The Menshevik organizations remained divided even after February. Attempts to eliminate this disunity have not been successful. There were two factions in the Menshevik Party: the Menshevik-internationalists headed by Julius O. Martov and the “defencists” (“right” - Alexander N. Potresov, “revolutionary” - Irakli G. Tsereteli, Fyodor I. Dan (Gurvich), who were leaders not only of the largest faction, but in many respects of the entire Menshevik Party). There were also the right-wing Plekhanov group "Unity" (Plekhanov himself, Vera I. Zasulich, and others) and the left-wing "Novozhiznensky" group, who broke with the Menshevik Party. Part of the Menshevik-internationalists, led by Yu. Larin, joined the RSDLP(b). The Mensheviks advocated cooperation with the liberal bourgeoisie, provided conditional support to the Provisional Government and considered socialist experiments harmful.

The Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries declared the need to wage war with the German bloc in order to defend the revolution and democratic freedoms (the majority of the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries declared themselves "revolutionary defencists"). Because of the fear of a break with the bourgeoisie, because of the threat civil war they agreed to postpone the solution of cardinal socio-economic problems until the convocation of the Constituent Assembly, but tried to implement partial reforms.

There was also a small (about 4 thousand people), but an influential group of the so-called. "interdistricts". The group occupied an intermediate position between the Bolsheviks and the Mensheviks. After returning from emigration in May 1917, Lev D. Trotsky (Bronstein) became the leader of the Mezhrayontsy. While still in the United States in March 1917, he spoke in favor of a transition to a proletarian revolution in Russia, relying on the Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies.

The Bolshevik Party, active at the beginning of 1917, was by no means a cohesive, effective organization. The revolution took the Bolsheviks by surprise. All known to the people the Bolshevik leaders were either in exile (Lenin and others) or in exile (Zinoviev, Stalin). The Russian Bureau of the Central Committee, which included Alexander G. Shlyapnikov, Vyacheslav M. Molotov, and others, could not yet become an all-Russian center. The number of Bolsheviks throughout Russia did not exceed 10 thousand people. There were no more than 2,000 of them in Petrograd. V. I. Lenin, who had been living in exile for almost ten years, was then in Zurich by the time of the February Revolution. Even in January 1917, he wrote: "We old people, perhaps, will not live to see the decisive battles ... of the coming revolution ...".

Being far from the epicenter of events, Lenin, nevertheless, immediately came to the conclusion that in no case could the Bolshevik party be satisfied with what had been achieved and not use the incredibly good moment in full. In Letters from Afar, he insisted on the need to arm and organize the working masses for an immediate transition to the second stage of the revolution, during which the "government of the capitalists and large landowners" would be overthrown.

But among the Bolsheviks there were "moderates" who rejected almost all of Lenin's main theoretical propositions and political strategy. These were two major Bolshevik leaders - Joseph V. Stalin (Dzhugashvili) and Lev B. Kamenev (Rosenfeld). They (like the Menshevik-Socialist-Revolutionary majority of the Petrosoviet) adhered to the position of "conditional support", "pressure" on the Provisional Government. When on April 3, 1917, Lenin (with the assistance of Germany, who understood that his activities would be destructive for Russia) returned to Petrograd and called for an immediate socialist revolution, not only moderate socialists, but even many Bolsheviks did not support him.

Politics of the Provisional Government. End of dual power

On April 4, 1917, Lenin presented to the Bolshevik leaders his "April Theses" ("On the tasks of the proletariat in this revolution"), which determined a fundamentally new, extremely radical political line of the RSDLP (b). He unconditionally rejected "revolutionary defencism", a parliamentary republic, put forward the slogan "No support for the Provisional Government!" and spoke in favor of the taking of power by the proletariat in alliance with the poorest peasantry, the establishment of the Republic of Soviets (in which the Bolsheviks were to prevail), called for an immediate end to the war. There was no demand in the article for an immediate armed uprising (because the masses are not yet ready for it). The immediate task of the party Lenin saw the discrediting of power by all possible ways and agitation for the Soviets. The idea was extremely simple: the further, the more all the parties that took part in the government (that is, all up to the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks inclusive) would be guilty in the eyes of the people of the deterioration of their position. Their former popularity will inevitably fade, and it is here that the Bolsheviks will come to the fore. GV Plekhanov responded to Lenin's theses with a devastating article "On Lenin's theses and why nonsense is sometimes interesting." The "Theses" were also met with bewilderment by the Bolshevik leaders of Petrograd (Kalinin, Kamenev, and others). Nevertheless, it was this extremely extremist program chosen by Lenin, coupled with extremely simple and understandable slogans (“Peace!”, “Land to the peasants!”, “All power to the Soviets!”, etc.) that brought success to the Bolsheviks. In the spring and summer of 1917, the membership of the party increased significantly (by May 1917 - up to 100 thousand, and by August - up to 200-215 thousand people).

The provisional government already in March-April carried out broad democratic transformations: the proclamation of political rights and freedoms; the abolition of national and religious restrictions, the death penalty, the abolition of censorship (during the war!); a general political amnesty was declared. On March 8, Nicholas II and his family were arrested (they were in the Alexander Palace in Tsarskoye Selo), as well as ministers and a number of representatives of the former tsarist administration. An Extraordinary Commission of Inquiry (with meager results) was set up with great fanfare to investigate their illegal actions. Under pressure from the Soviets, the Provisional Government carried out the so-called. "democratization" of the army (in line with "Order No. 1"), which had the most devastating consequences. In March 1917, the Provisional Government announced its agreement in principle to the creation of an independent Poland in the future. Later it was forced to agree to the widest possible autonomy for Ukraine and Finland.

The Provisional Government legalized the factory committees that had arisen at the enterprises and were given the right to control the activities of the administration. To achieve "class peace" the Ministry of Labor was created. At plants and factories, workers implicitly introduced an 8-hour working day (under conditions when the war was going on!), although it was not decreed. In April 1917, land committees were created to prepare an agrarian reform, but the solution of the land issue was postponed until the convocation of the Constituent Assembly.

In order to gain local support, on March 5, 1917, by order of the head of the cabinet, instead of the dismissed governors and other leaders of the former administration, provincial and district commissars of the Provisional Government were appointed locally. In May-June 1917, a reform of local government was carried out. The network of zemstvos was extended to the whole of Russia, their electoral system was democratized, volost zemstvos and district city Dumas were created. However, local zemstvos soon began to be pushed aside from power by the Soviets. From March to October 1917, the number of local soviets increased from 600 to 1,400. At the fronts, soldiers' committees were analogous to soviets.

During these two months, the Provisional Government did a lot to democratize the country and bring it closer to world standards of democracy. However, the unpreparedness of the population for conscious freedom (which implies responsibility), the feeling of weakness in power and, consequently, impunity, and, finally, the ongoing war with the inevitable deterioration of life led to the fact that the good undertakings of the liberals rapidly undermined the foundations of the entire old Russian statehood, and the new principles of arranging life never got used to it. In this sense, we can say that February gave birth to October.

At the same time, the Provisional Government did not want to resolve the issues of liquidating landownership, ending the war, and immediately improving the material situation of the people before the Constituent Assembly. This caused a quick disappointment. The dissatisfaction was aggravated by the lack of food (from the end of March bread cards were introduced in Petrograd), clothing, fuel and raw materials. Rapidly rising inflation (over the year the ruble has fallen in price by 7 times) has led to a paralysis of commodity flows. The peasants did not want to give their crops for paper money. Wages, which had already fallen by the beginning of 1917 by about a third compared with the pre-war level, continued to fall at an unprecedentedly high rate.

The work of transport and, consequently, the supply situation has deteriorated. The growing shortage of raw materials and fuel forced the owners of enterprises to reduce production, which led to extra growth unemployment due to layoffs. For many, dismissal meant conscription into the army. The attempts of the government to take the situation under control in the conditions of revolutionary anarchy did not lead to anything. Social tension in the country increased.

It soon became clear that the desire of the Provisional Government to continue the war did not coincide with the desires of the masses of soldiers and workers who, after the February events, became the actual owners of Petrograd. P. N. Milyukov, who believed that Russian democracy needed a victory to strengthen its international prestige and resolve a number of important territorial issues in favor of Russia - the capture of Galicia, the Austrian and German parts of Poland, Turkish Armenia, and most importantly, Constantinople and the Straits (for which Milyukov was nicknamed Milyukov-Dardanelles), April 18, 1917 addressed a note to the allies of Russia, where he assured them of their determination to bring the war to a victorious end.

In response, on April 20 and 21, under the influence of Bolshevik agitation, thousands of workers, soldiers and sailors took to the streets with banners and banners, with the slogans "Down with the policy of annexations!" and "Down with the Provisional Government!". The crowds of demonstrators dispersed only at the request of the Petrograd Soviet, openly ignoring the government order to disperse.

The Menshevik-Socialist-Revolutionary leaders of the Petrograd Soviet obtained official clarifications that the "decisive victory" in Milyukov's note meant only the achievement of a "lasting peace." A. I. Guchkov and P. N. Milyukov were forced to resign. To emerge from the first government crisis since the revolution, several of the most prominent socialist moderate leaders were coaxed into ministerial positions. As a result, on May 5, 1917, the first coalition government was created. Menshevik Irakly G. Tsereteli (one of the recognized leaders of the Bolshevik-Socialist-Revolutionary bloc) became the Minister of Posts and Telegraphs. The main leader and theorist of the Social Revolutionaries, Viktor M. Chernov, headed the Ministry of Agriculture. Companion Tsereteli Matvey I. Skobelev received the post of Minister of Labor. Aleksey V. Peshekhonov, founder and leader of the People's Socialist Party, was appointed Minister of Food. Another popular socialist, Pavel Pereverzev, took over as Minister of Justice. Kerensky became military and naval minister.

At the First All-Russian Congress of Soviets (June 3-24, 1917) (out of 777 delegates, 290 Mensheviks, 285 Social Revolutionaries and 105 Bolsheviks), a new line of behavior of the Bolsheviks first appeared. The best orators of the party - Lenin and Lunacharsky - "rushed to the offensive" on the question of power, demanding that the congress be transformed into a "revolutionary convention" that would assume full power. To Tsereteli's assertion that there is no party capable of taking all power into its own hands, V. I. Lenin declared from the rostrum of the congress: “Yes! Not a single party can refuse this, and our party does not refuse this: at any moment it is ready to take full power.

On June 18, an offensive began on the Southwestern Front, which was supposed to cause a patriotic upsurge. Kerensky personally traveled around a huge number of soldiers' rallies, urging the soldiers to go on the offensive (for which he received the ironic nickname "chief-persuader"). However, the former army after the "democratization" no longer existed, and the same front, which just a year ago made a brilliant Brusilovsky breakthrough, after some initial successes (explained primarily by the fact that the Austrians considered the Russian army to be completely decomposed and left only very insignificant forces) stopped, and then took to flight. Complete failure was obvious. The socialists completely shifted the blame for it to the government.

On the day the offensive began in Petrograd and other large cities of Russia, powerful demonstrations were organized by the Petrosoviet in support of the Provisional Government, but, in the end, took place under the Bolshevik slogans: “All power to the Soviets!”, “Down with ten capitalist ministers!”, “Down with war!" The demonstrators numbered approx. 400 thousand demonstrations showed the growth of radical sentiments among the masses, the strengthening of the influence of the Bolsheviks. However, these trends were still pronounced only in the capital and a number of large cities. But even there the Provisional Government was losing support. The strike resumed and reached a wide scope. Entrepreneurs responded with lockouts. Minister of Industry and Trade Konovalov was unable to reach an agreement between entrepreneurs and workers and resigned.

Having learned about the German counter-offensive on July 2, 1917, the soldiers of the capital's garrison, mostly Bolsheviks and anarchists, convinced that the command would take the opportunity to send them to the front, decided to prepare an uprising. His goals were: the arrest of the Provisional Government, the priority capture of the telegraph and railway stations, the connection with the sailors of Kronstadt, the creation of a revolutionary committee under the leadership of the Bolsheviks and anarchists. On the same day, a number of Cadet ministers resigned in protest against a compromise agreement with the Ukrainian Central Rada (which declared Ukraine's independence on June 10) and in order to put pressure on the Provisional Government to toughen its position in the fight against the revolution.

On the evening of July 2, rallies were held by soldiers from 26 units who refused to go to the front. The announcement of the resignation of the Cadet ministers further inflamed the atmosphere. The workers expressed their solidarity with the soldiers. The position of the Bolsheviks was quite contradictory. The members of the Central Committee and the Bolsheviks who sat on the Executive Committee of the Soviet were against any "premature" speech and held back the demonstrations. At the same time, many leaders (M. I. Latsis, N. I. Podvoisky, and others), referring to the mood of the masses, insisted on an armed uprising.

On July 3-4, Petrograd was engulfed in demonstrations and rallies. Some parts openly called for an uprising. V. I. Lenin reached the Kshesinskaya mansion (where the headquarters of the Bolsheviks was located) by the middle of the day on July 4th. 10 thousand Kronstadt sailors with their Bolshevik leaders, for the most part armed and burning with the desire to fight, they surrounded the building and demanded Lenin. He spoke evasively, not calling for an uprising, but not rejecting this idea either. However, after some hesitation, the Bolsheviks decide to join this movement.

Columns of demonstrators marched towards the Soviet. When Chernov tried to calm the demonstrators, only Trotsky's intervention saved him from death. Fights and skirmishes broke out between the Kronstadt sailors, rebellious soldiers and part of the demonstrators, on the one hand, and on the other hand, regiments loyal to the Soviet (not the government!). A number of historians, not without reason, consider these events to be an unsuccessful attempt at a Bolshevik armed uprising.

After the events of July 4, Petrograd was declared under martial law. Minister of Justice P. Pereverzev published information according to which Lenin not only received money from Germany, but also coordinated the uprising with the Hindenburg counteroffensive. The Government, supported by the Council, spoke in favor of the most decisive action. Lenin, together with Zinoviev, hid near the border of Finland, in the village. Spill. Trotsky, Kamenev, Lunacharsky were arrested. The units that took part in the demonstration were disarmed, and Pravda was closed down. The death penalty was restored at the front. Lenin these days wrote that the slogan "All power to the Soviets!" should be removed from the agenda as long as the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries, the break with which was complete, remain in the leadership of the Soviet.

After the July events of 1917, Prince Lvov resigned and instructed A.F. Kerensky to form a new government. Negotiations between various political forces were difficult: the government crisis lasted 16 days (from 6 to 22 July). The Cadets, who considered themselves victorious, put forward their own conditions: war until victory, struggle against extremists and anarchy, postponing a decision social issues before the convocation of the Constituent Assembly, the restoration of discipline in the army, the removal of Chernov, who was held responsible for the unrest in the countryside. Kerensky supported the "muzhik minister" and threatened that he himself would resign. In the end, the Cadets decided to enter the government, hoping to steer it in the right direction.

The second coalition government was headed by A.F. Kerensky (G.E. Lvov resigned on July 7), retaining the posts of military and naval ministers. Most of the posts in the new government were given to socialists. The danger of growing chaos and the need to curb it became clear to the leadership of the Council, which declared the new government the "Government for the Salvation of the Revolution" and endowed it (!) with emergency powers. The power was actually concentrated in the hands of the government. It is generally accepted that after the events of July 3-5, the dual power was over.

July 26 - August 3, the VI Congress of the RSDLP (b) was held at which a resolution was adopted on the need to seize power through an armed uprising, preparation for which should be the main task of the party. At this congress, Trotsky's "mezhrayontsy" joined the Bolsheviks and elected a Central Committee, which included V. I. Lenin, L. B. Kamenev, G. E. Zinoviev, I. V. Stalin, L. D. Trotsky.

Speech by General Kornilov and its consequences

On July 19, in the wake of the reaction to the events of the beginning of the month, Kerensky appointed General Lavr G. Kornilov (a popular military general in the army, known for his toughness and adherence to principles) as the Supreme Commander-in-Chief instead of the more "liberal", "soft" Alexei A. Brusilov. Kornilov was entrusted with the task of restoring the discipline and combat readiness of the troops as soon as possible.

On August 3, Kornilov, explaining that the growing economic paralysis jeopardized the supply of the army, presented Kerensky with a program to stabilize the situation in the country, which was based on the idea of ​​"an army in the trenches, an army in the rear and an army of railway workers", all three of which were to be subordinated to iron discipline. . In the army, it was planned to fully restore the disciplinary power of commanders, to sharply limit the powers of commissars and soldier committees, and to introduce the death penalty for military crimes for soldiers in the rear garrisons. In so-called. The “civil section” of the program provided for declaring the railways and factories and mines working for defense under martial law, prohibiting rallies, strikes and interference of workers in economic affairs. It was emphasized that "the indicated measures must be carried out immediately with iron determination and consistency." A few days later, he suggested to Kerensky that the Petrograd Military District be reassigned to the Headquarters (since the Headquarters controlled only the Active Army, while all rear units were subordinate to the Minister of War, that is, in this case, Kerensky) for its decisive cleaning of completely decayed units and putting things in order. Consent to this was obtained. Since the beginning of August, the transfer of reliable military units to the vicinity of Petrograd began - the 3rd cavalry corps of the gene. A. M. Krymov, Caucasian Native ("Wild") Division, 5 Caucasian Cavalry Division, etc.

An attempt to consolidate the forces of the socialists and the liberal bourgeoisie in order to stop the slide into chaos was made at the State Conference in Moscow on August 12-15 (the Bolsheviks did not participate in it). The meeting was attended by representatives of the bourgeoisie, the higher clergy, officers and generals, former deputies of the State. Dumas, leadership of the Soviets. State. The meeting made evident the growing popularity of Kornilov, who on August 13 the Muscovites arranged a triumphal meeting at the station, and on the 14th the delegates of the meeting stormily welcomed his speech. In his speech, he once again emphasized that "there should be no difference between the front and the rear regarding the severity of the regime necessary to save the country."

Returning to Headquarters after the Moscow meeting, Kornilov, encouraged by the "right" Cadets and supported by the Union of Officers, decided to attempt a coup. Kornilov believed that the fall of Riga (August 21) would be an excuse for pulling troops to the capital, and demonstrations in Petrograd on the occasion of the six-month "anniversary" of the February Revolution would give him the necessary pretext to restore order.

After the dissolution of the Petrograd Soviet and the dissolution of the Provisional Government, Kornilov proposed to put the People's Defense Council at the head of the country (chairman - General L. G. Kornilov, deputy chairman - A. F. Kerensky, members - General M. V. Alekseev, Admiral A. V. Kolchak , B. V. Savinkov, M. M. Filonenko). Under the Soviet there was to be a government with a broad representation of political forces: from the tsarist minister N. N. Pokrovsky to G. V. Plekhanov. Through intermediaries, Kornilov negotiated with Kerensky, seeking to achieve a peaceful transfer of full power to him.

On August 23, 1917, at a meeting at Headquarters, an agreement was reached on all issues. On August 24, Kornilov appointed Gen. A. M. Krymov commander of the Separate (Petrograd) army. He was ordered, as soon as the action of the Bolsheviks (which was expected from day to day), immediately take the capital, disarm the garrison and workers and disperse the Soviet. Krymov prepared an order for separate army who introduced a state of siege in Petrograd and the province, Kronstadt, Finland and Estonia; ordered the establishment of courts-martial. Prohibited rallies, meetings, strikes, appearance on the streets from earlier than 7.00 and later than 19.00, publication of newspapers without prior censorship. Those guilty of violating these measures were to be shot on the spot. The introduction of this entire plan into action was expected from 29 August.

So, since August 23, Kerensky knew about Kornilov's plans, but mistrust and personal ambitions broke this tandem. On the evening of August 26, at a meeting of the Provisional Government, Kerensky qualified Kornilov's actions as a rebellion and demanded emergency powers, which he was granted. On August 27, an order was sent to Headquarters to remove Kornilov from office, in which he was recognized as a rebel. Kornilov did not obey this order and on the morning of August 28 broadcast a statement on the radio: “... Russian people! Our great Motherland is dying. The hour of her death is near. Forced to speak openly, I, General Kornilov, declare that the Provisional Government, under the pressure of the Bolshevik majority of the soviets, is acting in full accordance with the plans of the German General Staff… kills the army and shakes the country inside. The heavy consciousness of the imminent death of the country commands me ... to call on all Russian people to save the dying Motherland. ... I, General Kornilov, the son of a Cossack-peasant, declare to everyone and everyone that I personally do not need anything other than the preservation of Great Russia and I swear to bring the people - by defeating the enemy - to the Constituent Assembly, at which they will decide their own destinies and will choose the way of the new public life. To betray Russia... I can't. And I prefer to die on the field of honor and battle, so as not to see the shame and shame of the Russian land. Russian people, the life of your Motherland is in your hands!”

While Kornilov was advancing his troops towards Petrograd, Kerensky, abandoned by the resigned Cadet ministers, began negotiations with the Executive Committee of the Soviet. The threat of rebellion turned Kerensky once again into the head of the revolution. Railway workers began to sabotage the transportation of military units, hundreds of Soviet agitators went there. Armed detachments of the workers' Red Guard were formed in Petrograd. Bolshevik leaders released from prison; The Bolsheviks took part in the work of the People's Defense Committee against Counter-Revolution, created under the auspices of the Soviets. By August 30, the rebel troops were stopped and dispersed without firing. General Krymov shot himself, Kornilov was arrested (September 1).

Kerensky turned to attempts to consolidate his position and stabilize the situation and the country. On September 1, Russia was proclaimed a republic. Power passed to the Directory of five people under the leadership of Kerensky. He tried to strengthen his position by creating the Democratic Conference (which was supposed to be the source of the new statehood), and then the Council of the Republic.

Democratic Conference (September 14-22) was to take two important decisions: expel or leave the bourgeois parties in the government coalition; determine the nature of the Council of the Republic. The participation of the bourgeoisie in the third coalition government, finally formed on September 26, was approved by a small majority. The meeting agreed to individual participation in the government of leaders of the Cadet Party (because, on the whole, the meeting excluded parties from the government that had compromised themselves by participating in the Kornilov speech). Kerensky introduced Konovalov, Kishkin, Tretyakov into the third coalition government.

The Bolsheviks considered this a provocation, saying that only the All-Russian Congress of Soviets, scheduled for October 20, had the right to form a "genuine government." The meeting elected the permanent Democratic Council of the Republic (Pre-Parliament). But the situation in the country, the balance of power after the defeat of Kornilov fundamentally changed. The most active right-wing forces, which had begun to consolidate, were able to withstand the threat of Bolshevization, were defeated. Kerensky's prestige, especially among the officers, plummeted. Support for relatively moderate socialist parties also fell. At the same time (as, by the way, Lenin had supposed back in April) the popularity of the Bolsheviks rose sharply, and they again had to be legalized. In September, they take control of the Petrograd Soviet (Trotsky was elected chairman) and a number of soviets of other large cities. On September 13, in the “Historical Letters” addressed to the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b), Lenin calls for an early armed uprising. By the beginning of October, the position of the Provisional Government was becoming hopeless.

Much later, Winston Churchill wrote: "Fate was not so merciless to any country as to Russia. Her ship went down when the pier was already in sight. She had already endured a storm when the wreck came. All the victims had already been was completed. Despair and betrayal overcame the authorities when the task was already completed ... "

wiki.304.ru / History of Russia. Dmitry Alkhazashvili.

for some time removed the sharpness of social contradictions. All segments of the population rallied around the government in a single patriotic impulse. However, it did not last long. Defeats at the front in the fight against Germany, the deterioration of the situation of the people caused by the war, - All of this created widespread discontent.. The internal situation in the country exacerbated the economic crisis emerging in 1915-1916. It was especially sharp food crisis. The peasants, not receiving the necessary industrial goods, refused to supply the products of their economy to the market. In Russia, for the first time, queues for bread appeared.

Speculation flourished. The government's attempts to overcome the crisis proved futile. Russia's defeats on the fronts of the First World War caused a significant blow to the public conscience. The population is tired of the protracted war. Worker strikes and peasant unrest grew. At the front, fraternization with the enemy and desertion became more frequent. National movements intensified. By the winter of 1916-1917, all sections of the Russian population were aware of the inability of the tsarist government to overcome the political and economic crisis. Thus, in the winter of 1916-1917, a revolutionary situation developed in the country - the situation in the country on the eve of the revolution.

Signs of a revolutionary situation:

The crisis of the upper classes: they could not govern in the old way, they did not want to govern in the new way, the lower classes do not want to live in the old way;

Deterioration above the usual position of the populace;

Rise above the usual revolutionary activity of the masses.

Causes of the February Revolution:

1) The unresolved agrarian-peasant question: the dominance of landownership, lack of land and landlessness of the peasants.

2) Unresolved labor issue: plight of workers, low wages, lack of labor legislation.

3) The national question, Russification policy of the authorities.

5) The destabilizing effect of war on all aspects of society.

Tasks of the revolution:

The overthrow of the autocracy

Convening a Constituent Assembly to establish a democratic order

Elimination of class inequality

The abolition of landownership and the allocation of land to the peasants

Reducing the length of the working day to 8 hours, the introduction of labor legislation

Achieving equal rights for the peoples of Russia

Cessation of the war

The nature of the revolution - bourgeois-democratic revolution.

Major events of the revolution

In February 1917 disruptions in food supplies to major Russian cities have intensified . By mid-February, 90,000 Petrograd workers went on strike because of a shortage of bread, speculation, and rising prices. On February 18, the workers of the Putilov factory joined them. , requiring an addition to wages. The administration not only fired the strikers, but also announced a partial lockout, i.e. closed part of the shops. This was the reason for the beginning of mass demonstrations in the capital.

February 23, 1917 On International Women's Day (according to the new style, this is March 8), workers and women took to the streets of Petrograd with the slogans “Bread!”, “Down with the war!”, “Down with the autocracy!”. Their political demonstration marked the beginning of the revolution. On February 24, strikes and demonstrations continued, clashes with the police and troops began, political slogans were added to economic slogans.

On February 25, the strike in Petrograd became general.. Demonstrations and rallies did not stop. On the evening of February 25, Nicholas II from Headquarters, who was in Mogilev, sent a telegram to the commander of the Petrograd Military District S.S. Khabalov with a categorical demand to stop the unrest. Attempts by the authorities to use the troops did not give a positive effect, the soldiers refused to shoot at the people.

However, officers and police February 26 killed more than 150 people. In response, the guards of the Pavlovsky regiment, supporting the workers, opened fire on the police. Chairman of the Duma M. V. Rodzianko warned Nicholas II that the government was paralyzed and "anarchy in the capital". To prevent the development of the revolution, he insisted on the immediate creation of a new government headed by a statesman who enjoys the confidence of society. However, the king rejected his proposal. Moreover, he and the Council of Ministers decided to interrupt the meetings of the Duma and dissolve it for the holidays. The moment for a peaceful, evolutionary transformation of the country into a constitutional monarchy was lost. Nicholas II sent troops from the Headquarters to suppress the revolution, but they were detained by the rebel railroad workers and soldiers and were not allowed into the capital.

On February 27, the mass defection of soldiers to the side of the workers, their capture of the arsenal and the Peter and Paul Fortress marked the victory of the revolution. The arrests of tsarist ministers and the formation of new authorities began.

On the same day, February 27, 1917 , in factories and military units, based on the experience of 1905, were Elections were held for the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies . An Executive Committee was elected to direct its activities. The Menshevik N. S. Chkheidze became chairman, and the Socialist-Revolutionary A. F. Kerensky became his deputy. The Executive Committee took upon itself the maintenance of public order and the supply of food to the population. The Petrograd Soviet was new form socio-political organization. He relied on the support of the masses who owned weapons, and his political role was very great.

February 27 at a meeting of the leaders of the Duma factions it was decided to form a Provisional Committee of the State Duma headed by M. V. Rodzianko . The task of the committee was to "restore the state and public order", the creation of a new government. The Provisional Committee took control of all ministries.

On February 28, Nicholas II left Headquarters for Tsarskoye Selo, but was detained on the way by revolutionary troops. He had to turn to Pskov , to the headquarters of the Northern Front. After consultations with the front commanders, he became convinced that there were no forces to suppress the revolution. At the same time, in the highest military and government circles, the idea of ​​​​the need to abdicate Nicholas II was ripening, since without this it was no longer possible to take control of the popular movement.

On March 2, 1917, deputies A. Guchkov and V. Shulgin arrived in Pskov, who accepted the abdication Nicholas II . The emperor signed the Manifesto on abdication for himself and his son Alexei in favor of his brother, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. However, when the deputies brought the text of the Manifesto to Petrograd, it became clear that the people did not want a monarchy. March 3 Michael abdicated , stating that further fate the political system in Russia must be decided by the Constituent Assembly. The 300-year rule of the Romanov dynasty ended. Autocracy in Russia finally fell .

March 2, 1917 after negotiations between representatives of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma and the Executive Committee of the Petrosoviet Provisional government was formed . Prince G.E. Lvov became chairman and minister of the interior, Minister of Foreign Affairs - Cadet P. N. Milyukov, Minister of War and Naval Affairs - Octobrist A. I. Guchkov, Minister of Trade and Industry - Progressive AI Konovalov. From the "left" parties, the Socialist-Revolutionary A.F. Kerensky, who received the portfolio of the Minister of Justice, entered the government.

Political results of the February Revolution

Abdication of Nicholas II, liquidation of the monarchy in Russia

The conquest of a certain, political freedom, the prospects for the democratic development of the country

A specific solution to the question of power, the emergence of dual power

Dual power (March - July 1917)

On March 1, 1917, the Petrograd Soviet issued "Order No. 1" on the democratization of the army . Soldiers lined up civil rights with officers, titles of officers were abolished, rude treatment of lower ranks was prohibited, and traditional forms of army subordination were abolished. Soldiers' committees were legalized. The election of commanders was introduced. The army was allowed to conduct political activities. The Petrograd garrison was subordinate to the Soviet and undertook to carry out only its orders.

February Revolution won. The old state system collapsed. A new political situation has emerged. However, the victory of the revolution did not prevent the further deepening of the crisis state of the country. Economic disruption intensified. To the former socio-political problems: war and peace, workers, agrarian and national issues- new ones were added: about power, the future state structure and ways out of the crisis. All this led to the peculiarity of the arrangement social forces in 1917.

The time from February to October is a special period in the history of Russia. It has two stages. On the first (March - early July 1917)) there was a dual power in which the Provisional Government was forced to coordinate all its actions with the Petrograd Soviet, which occupied more radical positions and had the support of the broad masses of the people.

At the second stage (July - October 25, 1917)) dual power was over. The autocracy of the Provisional Government was established in the form of a coalition of the liberal bourgeoisie (the Cadets) with the "moderate" socialists (Socialist-Revolutionaries, Mensheviks). However, this political alliance failed to achieve the consolidation of society.

Social tensions have increased in the country. On the one hand, the indignation of the masses was growing at the government's delays in carrying out the most urgent economic, social and political transformations. On the other hand, the rightists were dissatisfied with the weakness of the government, with insufficiently decisive measures to curb the "revolutionary element."

Thus, after the February Revolution, the country had the following development alternatives:

1) Monarchists and right-wing bourgeois parties were ready to support establishment of a military dictatorship .

2) The Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries supported establishment of a democratic socialist government .

The beginning of the revolution February 23, 1917 Completed in Petrograd. As a result, the monarchy was overthrown in Russia and the dual power of the Provisional Government and the Petrograd Soviet was established.

Causes: 1) Incomplete modernization; the need to overcome backwardness: continue industrialization, democratization, rebuild the agricultural sector, introduce general education.

2) Russia's specific contradictions: peasant landlords, workers-entrepreneurs, center-outskirts, Russians-others. nationalities, Orthodoxy - other confessions

3) crisis of power \ discredit of the monarchy

4) the first world war

Events: The beginning of the first riots was put on strike by the workers of the Putilov factory on February 17, the workers of which demanded a 50% increase in prices and the hiring of laid-off workers. The administration did not meet the stated requirements. In solidarity with the Putilov workers, many enterprises in Petrograd went on strike. They were supported by the workers of the Narva outpost and the Vyborg side. Demonstrations demanding bread that began in Petrograd escalated into clashes with the police, who were taken by surprise by the events. On the evening of February 25, Nicholas II gave the order to stop the unrest in the capital. The State Duma was dissolved. On the night of February 26-27, insurgent soldiers joined the workers, On February 27, the Arsenal and the Winter Palace were captured. The autocracy was overthrown. On the same day, the Executive Committee of the Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies of Petrograd was formed, and the members of the Progressive Bloc created Provisional Committee of the Duma, took the initiative to "restore the state and public order."

Results: So, the result of the February Revolution of 1917 was the overthrow of the autocracy, the abdication of the tsar from the throne, the emergence of dual power in the country: the dictatorship of the big bourgeoisie in the person of the Provisional Government and the Council of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies, representing the revolutionary democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry. The February Revolution of 1917 was the first victorious revolution in Russia and turned Russia, thanks to the overthrow of tsarism, into one of the most democratic countries.

Several political groups have formed in the country, proclaiming themselves the government of Russia:

1) The Provisional Committee of the members of the State Duma formed the Provisional Government, headed by the compromise Prince G. E. Lvov, whose main task was to win the trust of the population. The provisional government declared itself the legislative and executive power

2) Organizations of persons who have declared themselves authorities. The largest of these was the Petrograd Soviet, which consisted of moderate-left politicians and invited the workers and soldiers to delegate their representatives to the Soviet. The Council declared itself a guarantor against a return to the past, from the restoration of the monarchy and the suppression of political freedoms. The Council also supported the steps of the Provisional Government to strengthen democracy in Russia.

3) In addition to the Provisional Government and the Petrograd Soviet, other bodies of actual power in the localities were formed: factory committees, district councils, national associations, new authorities on the "national outskirts", for example, in Kyiv - the Ukrainian Rada".

March 2 - declaration of the provisional government. It grants all civil liberties, a complete amnesty to all polit. Prisoners, the abolition of police censorship. The fall of the revolution is not the end of the revolution, but the beginning.